Rudesindus          Entre  la postura apriorística de la ciencia histórica y los planteamientos especulativos de los esotéricos, es necesario un estudio de la Tradición Jacobea como origen del Camino de Santiago. El propósito del trabajo es el estudio de sus fuentes para ver si contiene indicios o criterios de verosimilitud, o es una falsedad arropada en el transcurso de la Historia.

          Aunque incluyendo ampliaciones y complemento grafico adicional, todo lo aquí publicado relativo a Tradición Jacobea y sus criterios de verosimilitud, fue editado en el número 7 de la revista Rudesindus de 2011.

          Junto a este objetivo prioritario de este blog iré incluyendo otros muchos temas complementarios, como breves relatos literarios, artículos musicales, diarios de peregrinación, personajes de la historia jacobea, conformando un mosaico temático que pueda ser del gusto del peregrino del Camino de Santiago.

          Y si este Blog resulta de tu agrado, te invito a regristarte y a que lo des a conocer entre tus contactos que puedan estar interesados.


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ING9.- The Discovery of the Sepulcher.

          The narrative of the discovery is also done in a legendary way: In the days of Alfonso II el Casto, an anchorite named Pelayo, near the village of Solovio, witnessed luminaries in the forest of Libredón where he lived, receiving in dreams the oracle of the angels that these lights announced the remains of the Apostle. The faithful who shared the knowledge of the phenomenon informed Bishop Teodomiro, who, on account of his testimony, showed up at the scene, and surprised by the finding, ordered the retinue to keep three days of fasting, after which he opened a breach in the forest to see what it contained, and discovered in the middle of the thicket, a small building with an altar, inside which he discovered a larger tomb and two smaller ones that flanked it, which identifies as the Sepulchral tomb of the Apostle James and his disciples Athanasius and Theodore.

          Teodomiro’s reaction, far from being precipitated, can be valued as serene, since the situation could raise him almost to the same rank as the Bishop of Rome, as the bones of an Apostle chosen by the Lord lay in his seat; could project a trip to the Rome of Leon III, or to the Carolingian empire that then was under the command of “Ludovico Pío”. It is a criterion that tells us that more than the result of a magnificent find, seeks to make known a hidden news that wants to protect. He avoided grandiloquent attitudes and merely reported to his king, Alfonso II, monarch of the Asturian kingdom, who fought for subsistence rather than historical greatness. The Asturian reaction was not so rapid as it is often said, but it should be noted that it was very measured and studied, for in Oviedo, founded by King Fruela I in the eighth century, there was already a venerated pre-Romanesque temple whose holy chamber kept valuable relics where The Savior was worshiped. The Jacobean find must have aroused a feeling of moral competence and a legitimate doubt of the authenticity of the finding. That is why the Asturian official chronicles were discreet. Finally the find seems to have convinced the monarch, who organized a trip with the court to the tomb discovered, and ordered to build in 834, several years after the find, a church that hosted the mausoleum. This journey of the monarch from Oviedo to Compostela will be considered as the first official pilgrimage to the holy place, generating what we now call the Primitive Way. Rather it seems that Teodomiro presented arguments that demonstrated to the monarch his certainty in the finding, and this one ends up recognizing it. It will not do so by raising a large temple, but a modest basilica of stone and mud with a single nave, next to which the churches of San Salvador and of San Juan, the monastery of Antealtares and the episcopal palace, With a wall defining an enclosure that constituted the Locus Sanctus Iacobi.

          After the reigns of Ramiro I and Ordoño I, king Alfonso III during the episcopate of Sisnando I, demolished the primitive church and had erected a bigger and sumptuous one, of three ships, in carved stone and with columns and marble floors, whose works began in 872 and were consecrated in 899. Later, Sisnando II, before the successive attacks Norman, reinforces with more solidity the primitive wall of the Locus. This will be the architectural ensemble that will destroy Almanzor in 997. The two Asturian basilicas, very different in size and inversion of materials, have one thing in common: to keep the Roman tomb mausoleum at the head. Both are born to guard the Jacobean tomb.

          There are authors who interpret the Jacobean phenomenon as an ecclesiastical initiative in the service of the Reconquest, and consider that the sepulchral find is the result of Opportunism: a military opportunism, for which everything would be a montage at the service of the Reconquest, and ecclesiastical opportunism for which everything would to be a montage in the service of the Church.

          Military opportunism, often wielded, is as apparent as inconsistent, since Santiago was already a cause of worship in the north of Spain and considered a protective patron more than fifty years before the discovery of his burial, and because between the beginning of the Reconquista (about 722) and the time of the Inventio (about 829), it takes more than a century, and it will take seven more centuries to complete.

          The “fabulous” battle of Clavijo, allegedly fought in 844 during the reign of Ramiro I, entails such manipulation of data and interests that make it a historical falsehood. The supposed affront begins in the tribute of one hundred maidens supposedly acquired by the king Mauregato with the Muslims in exchange to avoid bellicose contests. The glory of the triumph was due to the miraculous help of the Apostle Santiago, Matamoros since then, who announced to the king in dreams his favorable intervention on white horse and silver sword, that would lead them to victory, and in gratitude the king establishes a tribute ( Vote of Santiago). Sánchez Albornoz demonstrates that this battle did not exist, and that the real battle was fought at Monte-Laturce, in Albelda, won a few years later by Ordoño I, without the tribute of maidens, nor miraculous intervention, nor vote for Santiago. Ramiro II, rey de Castilla y León, que con una peregrinación a Compostela invocó la protección del Apóstol, fue quien concedió el voto a Santiago después de la batalla de Simancas en 939, en la que Ramiro II, asistido por sus condes Fernán González Y Assur Fernández, lograron una sólida victoria sobre las tropas de Abderramán III. Santiago becomes an emblem and harangue for the troops, in an isolated and unsuccessful way within this extensive process of centuries, where he is not even the only one that bears the pedigree of matamoros; the kingdom of Leon invokes Isidore of Seville (buried in Leon) and make him ride alongside the Christians of the kingdom of Leon, while the Castilians invoke and do the same with San Millán de la Cogolla, according to Cluniac tradition prior to the discovery of the tomb, And each army has its patron to which it pays tribute in the form of Vote, with litigation that was settled in the high courts, and Santiago arrived only to be imposed at the end of century XIV, with the Reconquista already very advanced that it gives rise to an Imperial Spain whose “wars divinales” find an adequate standard. Even in the seventeenth century, San Millán is again proclaimed Patron of Castile, and copatron of Spain, and at this time it is proposed to grant the patronage of Spain to Santa Teresa instead of Santiago. Invoking the myth of Santiago matamoros as a montage pro-reconquista is an illusion that contributed much to the legacy of the artistic heritage but had nothing to do with the origin of the Tradition Jacobean.

          For Sánchez Albornoz the Reconquista had nothing of holy war, because it did not obey to the fulfillment of a precept in the way that proposed the Islam, nor was understood like form of death martyr. Nor can it be understood as a crusade because it was not carried out with religious motivations such as the recovery of foci of religious value, nor the extension of a creed. Although the reconquest began in the peripheral communities of the Visigothic kingdom of Toledo (Astures, Cantabria …), with traditional resistance to being subjugated, in the Hispanic territories of the north merges with the interests of the fugitive Goths of the battle of Guadalete (711) before the Berber troops of North Africa that crossed Gibraltar to the control of Tariq and Muza, by means of the Count Don Julian before the dynastic conflict by the crown of Witiza. The aid becomes an invasion, and in only four years, without resistance, by peaceful capitulations, transactions and friendly pacts, and only sometimes by military force, they seize almost the entire peninsula. Don Pelayo will be the creator of the fusion of the rebellion of the peoples of the north with the patriotic motivation of the fugitive visigodos and agglutinates a unique movement that, perhaps from diverse feelings, finally are grouped in a common front. Thus, since the founding of Oviedo in the eighth century, the Reconquest has as identifiable objectives in the chronicles, the expulsion of the Muslims as usurpers of the Visigoth, and the restoration of the Visigothic kingdom, which had already achieved the desired territorial unity between 476 And 711. The intact Visigothic identity soon resumed a process of reinstatement, and not for doctrinal but patriotic motivation. Thus, it is inconsistent to think that more than a century after its beginning, recourse was had to the farce of a spectacular tomb to encourage the Reconquest.

          Ecclesiastical opportunism has even less foundation because the Jacobean Tradition, contrary to what is usually heard, was not created by the Church to the measure of its own interests, but was the first to adopt a critical attitude, and Rome ignored Long time to Compostela. At the end of the tenth century the Hispano-Visigothic church, considered rude and ignorant, had little prestige in Rome, in contrast to the celebrity of Santiago, cited in the Muslim chronicles as the most important Christian sanctuary in Hispania, attended by pilgrims from all Parts of Europe, including Rome. Here begins a latent rivalry between Santiago and Rome that will take its first executive channel in the Roman initiative to abolish the Visigothic rite and replace it with the Roman. In the middle of the eleventh century, Rome is concerned with the growing preponderance of the Church in Santiago and the bishop of Iria Cresconio (1037-1066) awakens the Rome a deep concern to deal more with arms and militias than in the pastoral questions, by the high dominion over other Hispanic bishoprics with power ceded by the kings and military prestige that chronicles the chronicles, and especially for nominating itself as episcopis lriensi apostolicae sedis. All this was done with incidents that were understood as gestures of contempt towards legates sent by Rome in matters of protocol of reception, as well as some statements that sounded dissidents, the suspicion became an accusation of arrogance and pride, and for the risk of schism Ecclesiastic, Leo IX, at the Council of Reims in 1049, excommunicates Cresconius for being awarded the title of bishop of the apostolic see, which is understood from Rome as an excessive ambition of the primacy of the Hispanic Church and an equal treatment towards Rome. At the same time as the excommunication, several canons were imposed that affected the old Hispanic church, in particular the one of “Gallaecia”.

          But although the arguments of opportunism are unfounded, the discourse leaves its mark and in relation to Santiago the critics they take anti-jacobeo party, and it comes to question the historicity of Teodomiro to which it is come to consider a fictitious personage for the occasion, and The previous existence of Compostela is denied, which is considered a city created in the ninth century to “place” an invented tomb in it, and unleashes the unnecessary dilemma of whether Compostela is a montage at the service of military and ecclesiastical interests.

          It is true, and it should be pointed out, that Santiago is handled with several well-intentioned intentions, which may suggest to be a montage in which many gain benefit: the military gets delivery in the fight; Kings and politicians gain land conquered; The monks achieve promotion of the pilgrimage that elevates the donations and privileges; The prelates achieve fiscal benefits and economic favors; The Church acquires devotees and a dignified alternative to the Holy Land …. These interests, often behind the most petty human attitudes, dirty the Jacobean Tradition in the manner they did the merchants of the Temple of Jerusalem. But these were never generative motives, but attitudes that profit from an earlier phenomenon that is not the result of an opportunistic montage or a simple error; If it were, the history and the archeology they would have detected it, and there is no such thing. It can not be accepted that Compostela was the fruit of a multidisciplinary super-confabulation, a supra-historical plot, in which the favorable documentary data lack rigor or are falsifications, the necessity and opportunity of relics of the first order are sufficient reason for them to be aligned on the same side: monks, prelates, politicians, kings, soldiers, men of science, pilgrims of every condition, and the attitudes, and documents of people of different Historical moments, they are interested, or false, or mistaken, or manipulated. And all are able to coordinate a lie over the centuries transmitting to perfection slogans that conceal the montage without loopholes, undetectable to archeology, without today it is possible to deny. Already only this situation has so much argument, that even without being demonstrative, it keeps much persuasion in favor of the Jacobean Tradition.

          It would be very little if this were all, but there is much more.

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20- Almanzor y las Campanas de Santiago de Compostela

          Su verdadero nombre era Abi Amir Muhammad. En el inicio de sus campañas victoriosas contra los cristianos del norte peninsular decide tomar un sobrenombre honorífico (costumbre hasta entonces reservada a los califas), y adopta el título de al-Mansur bi-Allah «el que recibe la victoria de dios», que será reducido al castellano como Almanzor, con el que le identificaron sus enemigos y con el que pasó a la Historia dejando huella en el acerbo colectivo.

         Como hombre de gran temperamento pero no avalado por una condición palaciega, debía lograr su cuota de poder primero a costa de aprovechar bien los lances favorables para medrar estratégicamente en la corte, y luego a  base de prestigio militar, que no podía lograr más que a base de empresas militares victoriosas y deslumbrantes, subrayadas por gestos paradigmáticos que reforzaran su reputación y autoridad por encima de lo terrenal, abriendo el campo de lo mítico y legendario. Y lo consiguió en buena medida, esculpiendo un nombre al que se unió el apodo de “el Victorioso”, con que despertaba el entusiasmo popular. Para ello transformó a fondo el ejército tal como era concebido por los primeros Omeyas, y lo reforzó con tropas beréberes con las que alcanzó una fuerza muy estable y eficaz, y sobre todo muy fiel a su persona. Expulsó del ejército califal a la mayor parte de los mercenarios eslavos que habían llegado a constituir una verdadera casta de privilegiados en la corte cordobesa- y sustituirlos por unos 20.000 beréberes, reclutados por él mismo en el norte de África, medida que le proporcionó una enorme popularidad. Y emprendió una profunda reestructuración de sus tropas con el propósito de acabar con la organización tribal de éstas, lo que era fuente de continuos conflictos, dispersando en diferentes unidades a los miembros más destacados de cada familia. Su fuerza radicaba en su ejército, a lo que se unía una astucia en la estrategia de campaña en que se alzaba como un riguroso defensor del Islam. Cuando no era por fidelidad incondicional, lograba apoyos a través del temor que inspiraba o por conveniencia, acuñando pactos con líderes cristianos basados en el acuerdo de respeto mutuo por el que se comprometía a no saquear ni devastar las tierras de sus aliados; y también con el de la recompensa, repartiendo parte del botín de sus éxitos y obsequiando valiosos presentes de joyas, telas y tapices sarracenos. Así es como logró reunir una fuerza “invencible” que le permitió acuñar su fama y su sobrenombre, que le sirvieron para vencer, en sus arrasadoras  campañas, a los territorios cristianos del Norte y entrar victorioso en las principales ciudades y centros religiosos de Cataluña, de Castilla, de Navarra y de León. Ante la proximidad del año 1000, muchos pensaran que estos brutales ataques formaban parte del apocalipsis, porque estas razias arrasaban con todo.

          Mientras Almanzor hacía frente a una insumisión en África, el rey Bermudo II de León  decidió suspender el pago del tributo acordado el año anterior. La contestación de caudillo andalusí, que entonces contaba con 57 años, fue rápida e inesperada, convertir la deslealtad de Bermudo en la justificación de golpe rotundo a Santiago de Compostela como modo de afligir a todos los fieles del credo contrario e incrementar su largo prestigio de defensor del islam. Para mayor insidia contó además de nobles cristianos leoneses contrarios a la decisión de Bermudo que decidieron aliarse con el chambelán sarraceno.

        Había llegado al más alto grado de su poder y prestigio cuando optó por una empresa idónea para él y que hasta entonces nunca abordada por otro líder musulmán. Decidió marchar contra Santiago de Compostela para coronar su trayectoria con un órdago de lujo que le encumbrase al nivel de los grandes líderes de la historia como Alejandro Magno o César Augusto. Santiago era la ciudad de Galicia que albergaba el más importante santuario cristiano de España y de las regiones cercanas del continente. La iglesia de Santiago, en propio decir islámico, era como la Meca, yendo allí en peregrinación desde los países europeos más lejanos; creen, decían ellos, que allí estaba enterrado Jacobo, equivalente a su Yaqub, uno de los doce apóstoles de Cristo, el que gozaba de la mayor intimidad de Jesús, que para predicar su doctrina vino a España y llegó hasta Galicia; volvió a Palestina y siendo allí condenado a muerte, pero sus compañeros trajeron sus restos para enterrarlos en esa iglesia que se hallaba en el límite extremo hasta donde había llegado en sus viajes. Hasta los sarracenos conocían la tradición jacobea como fuente de peregrinación y de fuerza moral para los cristianos y eran conscientes de que le invocaban en sus dificultades y se decía que les daba fuerza invencible en sus batallas.  

          Ningún príncipe musulmán había tenido nunca el proyecto de atacar tal lugar ni de llegar hasta allí, en razón de las dificultades que se oponían al acceso de su emplazamiento en tierra abrupta y de la gran distancia a que se hallaba. Se añadía aquí la opción de romper un mito para el mundo cristiano.

          La expedición estival salió de Córdoba el sábado 3 de julio del año 997, en la que se contaba como su cuadragésimo octava campaña. Su objetivo era acrecentar su huella de poder y destrucción en una tierra y lugar señera para los cristianos, derrotando a su ejército, arrasando sus posesiones y ciudades, minando su moral y obteniendo un rico botín para sus arcas. Entró primero en la ciudad de Coria, al norte de Extremadura y que venía siendo, por su posición estratégica, lugar de pugnas entre musulmanes y cristianos. Después se trasladó a Viseu, y allí se le reunieron buen número de condes cristianos que reconocían su autoridad y que, descontentos con el rey cristiano, se le presentaron con sus guerreros para unirse a las tropas musulmanas.

          A fin de llevar su empresa militar  a buen término planeó muy bien su estrategia y ordenó la formación de una gran flota en Alcaçar do Sal, donde debía embarcar y ser transportados los cuerpos de infantería, los aprovisionamientos y las armas, hasta mas al norte del lugar de Porto en la desembocadura del Duero, río que remontó hasta el lugar elegido para reunión de todas las tropas.

          Se dirigió entonces al norte, atravesando el Miño y subiendo hasta Valladares (Vigo), y cruzando extensas regiones y atravesando diversas rías, arrasando y saqueando todo lo que encontraban, haciendo botín, capturando prisioneros y ensanchando la senda para que pudiera pasar su colosal ejército.

          Llegaron a la ría de Lurqui (Arosa), cruzaron el río Ulla y penetraron y tras aprovisionarse en llanuras bien cultivadas y abundantemente abastecidas llegaron a Padrón, donde se alzaba uno de los templos consagrados a Santiago, que para los cristianos seguía en importancia al que guarda su sepulcro, por lo que acudían a él devotos de las regiones más distantes de la cristiandad. Tras arrasarlo fueron a acampar ante la orgullosa ciudad de Santiago el 10 agosto. Sus habitantes la habían abandonado y los musulmanes se apoderaron sin resistencia alguna de todas las riquezas que en ella hallaron. La ciudad fue sometida a un riguroso saqueo durante una semana y, posteriormente se incendiaron y derribaron sus murallas, sus edificios, sus palacios y todas sus edificaciones, de modo que no quedaron huellas de las mismas. Completando la humillación al mundo cristiano y acaso para dejar el brillo de uno de esos gestos emblemáticos que engrandecerían su renombre, dice la leyenda que dio de beber agua a su caballo en la pila bautismal. Sin embargo, los guardias colocados por Al-Mansur hicieron respetar el sepulcro del santo, e impidieron que la tumba recibiera daño alguno. Ibn Idari inserta en el Rayan al-Mugrib el relato de la presencia de un anciano monje que, en solitario, custodiaba la tumba del Apóstol, abandonada por el resto de los habitantes; «¿Por qué estás ahí?», le preguntó el chambelán cordobés. «Para honrar a Santiago», le respondió sin sombra de pánico el celoso guardián. Sus palabras decididas, la santidad y pureza de su misión y tal vez, los últimos resortes supersticiosos del hayib, le salvaron la vida, y el vencedor dio orden de que le dejaran tranquilo.

          Entre otros bienes conseguidos en el saqueo figuran seda brocada en oro, paños finos, pieles preciosas, además de las campanas del santuario y las puertas de la ciudad. El Códice Calixtino, que calificó la acción de Almanzor como instigación del demonio en contra de la herencia de Carlomagno, incluye en el expolio los códices, las mesas de plata, las campanas y los demás ornamentos. Esta inclusión en el Calixtino da plena credibilidad al robo de las campanas como parte del botín. Campanas y Puertas de la ciudad constituyen, más que el hurto de elementos valioso, todo un mensaje simbólico: las campanas con que los cristianos convocaban las ceremonias de su religión estaban destinadas a alumbrar la mezquita cordobesa, el recinto sagrado de la fe contraria, y la madera de las puertas tras las que los compostelanos creían parapetarse se utilizarían en el artesonado de las nuevas naves de un edificio musulmán.

          Las tropas conquistaron después las comarcas vecinas y llegaron hasta el lugar de Maianca, punto extremo al que ningún musulmán nunca había llegado, y en la que se detuvo el avance. Al-Mansur comenzó su retirada desde Santiago, justamente tras ser consciente de que había avanzado más lejos que ningún otro de su credo y que había logrado sus objetivos de arruinar el prestigio protector de Santiago como máximo emblema de los cristianos, y superar toda hazaña conocida de un líder sarraceno. En su regreso atacó y saqueo otros lugares pero respetando las posesiones de los condes aliados a su ejército, a los que despidió en la fortaleza de Lamego, después de un desfile militar con todos los honores y recompensarles con parte de los bienes saqueados. Desde Lamego el ejército regresó a Córdoba victorioso y cargado de botín, después de una campaña considerada como una bendición para los musulmanes y que había encumbrado a su caudillo hasta la máxima cima lograda nunca.

          En razón de los efectos morales conseguidos, la expedición a Santiago figura, por derecho propio, entre las que más renombre dieron al caudillo andalusí. Aquel que, sin duda, mereció el epitafio que sus adeptos escribieron sobre su tumba:

Sus hazañas te enseñarán sobre él

como si tus propios ojos lo estuvieran viendo.

¡Por Dios!, nunca volverá a dar el Mundo nadie como él

ni defenderá las fronteras otro que se le pueda comparar.

         A pesar del valor mítico de su nombre, que sembró el miedo en varias generaciones cristianas, y del éxito militar de sus brutales  incursiones, el éxito de Almanzor fue mas moral que real, pues no logró modificar apenas las fronteras ni evitar la ruina económica del califato. Su única medida económica efectiva fue la guerra, con la toma de numerosos prisioneros  y el logro consiguiente de rescates y venta de esclavos. Sus hijos, en un intento de iniciar una saga de chambelanes, fueron incapaces de conservar el poder heredado y pronto inició disgregación del Califato en taifas. Medina Alzahira, en árabe la “ciudad resplandeciente” fue una ciudad palatina construida por Almanzor en el siglo X en las cercanías de Córdoba en la margen derecha del Guadalquivir. Su construcción se produjo entre 979 y 987. Almanzor abandonó la sede de Medina Azahara y se instaló en Medina Alzahira, que convirtió en el segundo centro administrativo y de poder del Califato, hasta que fue saqueada y destruida en abril de 1009. Los hijos de Almanzor no estaban a la altura de su padre, provocando como consecuencia la decadencia de la ciudad, que en el año 1009 fue invadida por el pueblo de Córdoba. Todos los bienes muebles fueron saqueados y los edificios, monumentos, fuentes y muros de la ciudad fueron destruidos con furia. Nada debía permanecer para recordar a la efímera dinastía de los amirí, todo fue destruido y abandonado hasta el punto que los arqueólogos siguen sin saber con seguridad la ubicación de la ciudad.

          Igual significado, más emblemático y efectista que objetivo y práctico, fue el famoso expolio de las campanas de Compostela, de las que se cuenta, con un mucho de valor legendario, que los prisioneros cristianos fueron obligados a cargar con las campanas del templo de Santiago hasta Córdoba donde fueron empleadas como lámparas de la nueva ampliación de la Mezquita. De modo que las campanas que habían honrado y glorificado a uno de los Apóstoles de Jesucristo, se encontraban ahora alumbrando la mayor mezquita que jamás se viera en occidente. Cabe imaginar escenas épicas de los esclavos portando dura y forzadamente colosales campanas de bronce por medio de plataformas portadoras, como si fueran presos de una galera en tierra y a través del largo trayecto entre Compostela y Córdoba. Y también entre el mito y la realidad se dice que las campanas regresaron de forma idéntica a Santiago, dos siglos y medio después, está vez a manos de prisioneros musulmanes capturados por Fernando III «El Santo».

          Siendo precisos y para dar al relato dimensiones reales, hay que considerar que no solo se expoliaron las campanas de Santiago, sino la de todas las de las iglesias de la campaña, tanto al ir como al regresar. La cuantía de bronce total obtenido debió ser muy abundante. Pero más relevante para desmitificar el hecho es que la basílica compostelana destruida era un templo de dimensiones modestas que se quedaba pequeño a una cristiandad que peregrinaba hasta él, pues se trataba de un templo prerrománico levantado a finales del siglo IX, que contaba con un carrillón de unas 11 campanas mas bien pequeñas. Las crónicas hablan que dado el tamaño de tales campanas podían ser adecuadas para servir de lámparas de aceite para iluminar el interior de la mezquita, dándolas la vuelta sobre unos trípodes y llenas de aceite. El resto de las campanas saqueadas en tierras cristianas parece que sirvieron para hacer puertas de bronce para la mezquita. Tras la reconquista de la ciudad de Córdoba por parte de Fernando III el Santo, se pensó compensar a la mitra compostelana con nuevas campanas, y se refundieron aquellas, sí, pero vertiendo en esos nuevos moldes el bronce de las campanas que habían sido recicladas como lámparas y el de las puertas de la mezquita, que provenían tanto de las expoliadas en Santiago como del resto de campanarios saqueados en aquella campaña.

          Las campanas actuales de la catedral de Compostela no son ya las nuevas campanas refundidas en Córdoba para su retorno, fue necesario construir otras para la catedral románica. Durante la transformación barroca del siglo XVI se erigió una nueva torre en la catedral, que llaman hoy del reloj o Torre Berenguela, la cual necesitaba una gran campana, y se consiguió fundiendo las nuevas que habían llegado desde Córdoba para conseguir la monumental “Campana Berenguela”, que descansa hoy sobre un pedestal en una esquina del claustro y que podemos admirar, tras ser reemplazada por una nueva campana hecha en Holanda cuando la original se agrietó.

          La devolución de estas campanas era una cuestión de honor, un hecho simbólico con gran carga emotiva para aquellas gentes que, no obstante, subyace en el espíritu de la campana Berenguela muda y agrietada que reposa como una pieza de museo. Este espíritu de retorno y compensación del agravio fue recogido por diversas expresiones artísticas, como la que guarda la catedral de Gregorio Español, datada ente 1594 y 1596.

          Pero si se quiere y mientras contemplamos esa vieja y agrietada campana que descansa muda en el claustro, cabe aceptar un legado heredado desde los tiempos de Almanzor el Victorioso, pues parte de bronce que hoy descansa en el claustro catedralicio fueron las campanas expoliadas por Almanzor y retornadas después por Fernando III al templo del apóstol. 

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ING8- Criteria that justify forgetting

          If we consider the Jacobean worship credible and transcendent: How could he forget?. It should not be difficult to resolve the question if we consider that today we forget the location of the grave of relatives not very distant whose memory happens to be ignored for our children or for ourselves. In Galicia it is not difficult for an endless number of plant species to take possession of the stone, to conceal it, and even to swallow it under its green silence. Thus have been forgotten tombs, ruins, walls and archaeological remains of all types low the thick vegetation. In other parts of the world, temples, villages and entire civilizations have been hidden under the thick of the jungle. Nothing difficult would be the immersion in the thicket of the Galician forest of a tomb and still of an old necropolis, that could literally be buried by a vegetation entangled in the trunks and the stones, opposing its pricks and its tangle to any curiosity, and that served As well as a lair to wolves, foxes and vermin, which would end up making it invisible and inaccessible to men. Tradition was able to last, leaving only its message of mystery transmitted from one generation to another, confused perhaps even with old traditions of those that existed by these contours.

          But first of all I should point out that there was never a need to forget it, but that the situation was that it never came to be known in a formal way and that it was limited to a question of local scope, contained by historical circumstances that prevented its expansion and They limited it to a circumscribed practice.

          Yet it is important to expose something that made it difficult to identify the facts and especially the person, whose identity we have already seen that historically, as in many other cases, was deformed by a multitude of legendary and mythical components that complicate the recognition of the protagonist.

Territories of preaching Burial place
Peter Jerusalem and Rome Rome
Paul Many, even Iliria Rome
Thomas Persia Edesa
Andrew Greece Patras
John Asia Minor Ephesus
SANTIAGO Palestine, Judea, Samaria, Spain Palestine, Judea / Marmárica, Galicia

          The identification of facts and personages was deformed by legendary components that make difficult its recognition, being the CONFUSION OF THE SANTIAGOS. On the territories of preaching and burial, the codices prior to the discovery of the Jacobean tomb, show a significant contrast between the unity of destiny of different apostles and the plural destiny of the apostle Santiago. Why this difference? The cause is in the confusion between personages with the same name: Santiago the Greater, Santiago the Minor and Santiago Alfeo. In the Western tradition, Santiago el Menor and Santiago Alfeo identify themselves as one and the same person, and that their father, Cleophas, is the same as Alfeo; While the Eastern Tradition identifies them as different characters, which gives us an idea of the complexity of historical criteria to identify or differentiate some characters.

          Some authors suggest a fourth Santiago not well identified in the author of the Evangelical Epistle, proper of an editor with a refined Greek domain, a literary style and a Semitic mentality that does not fit well with the previous ones and that opens the option of other possible personages with this name.

          The relation of personages with the name of Jacobo or Santiago is extended with Jacobo bishop of Nisibe called Great († 338), Afrates (270-345) that adopted the name when entering a monastery of Antioch and was confused with the previous one , Jacobo of Sarug (451-521), Jacobo of Palestine called the Hermit (6th century), and particularly Santiago Baradeo († 578), Syrian monk and last bishop Of Edessa in 541, that reached legendary fame like leader of the monofisismo, with adepts called jacobitas, that preached in lands of Marmárica, where it died and was buried. That is to say, that the tomb of Santiago in Marmárica that cites some codices, should not be that of Santiago the Major, but that of this Santiago Baradeo. Apart from the interpretations that have been given to the word “Marmárica” and its possible explanation, what seems to occur is that the figure of a single Macro-Santiago is amalgamated, in which the characters are confused, the place of preaching and the place of burial .

          It is understood that “in acha marmárica” is an equivocal expression without a clear meaning of location. Manuel C. Diaz y Díaz confuses him and defines it as “lectio difficilior” (“reading more difficult”) or expression that designates the principle of codicology according to which, from two or more readings of a passage, chooses the most difficult one, perhaps because it is the most genuine, if one takes into account that the scribe or copyist should have wanted to correct what he found incomprehensible. The consequence is an indecipherable toponym that has been modified in the manuscript translation, appearing of different forms in different sources, generating diverse interpretations. Other authors speak of “misrepresentation” or deformation of a word by the interpretation that the copyist gives him based on his own knowledge, transcribing erroneously a primitive toponym. If the term refers to the North African Marmárica (current Libya), it can not refer to Santiago to the Greater that no tradition locates there, and to be the mentioned Baradeo; Or to Santiago Alfeo, whom some tradition places preaching in Africa, perhaps also by confusion.

          Thus the existence of the Jacobean cult is plausible before its dissemination in the ninth century, and there are reasons for confusion and oblivion, such as apostolic anonymity, late interest in the life of the apostles, the clandestine nature of the jacobean process, confusion about the figure of Santiago, mistakes about the place name, and reasons such as Roman persecution, invasion by the Suevi and Islam, and depopulation by war, disease or famine. If these facts can separately explain the loss of a distant and local passage of history, much more when all of them are associated.

          The conclusion that we can deduce is that it is feasible the existence of a local cult, first concealed or forgotten and then reappeared and spread from a favorable moment.

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ING7- Verisimilitude of the Hispanic destination.

          A first objection of the Jacobite detractors is the LACK OF TIME to make such a fabulous journey, before the supposed mandate of Christ to the Apostles to remain in Jerusalem twelve years after the Ascension. The few testimonies of this news are not reliable because of their indirect, late and apocryphal character, in total contradiction with direct evangelical testimonies in which Christ entrusts his apostles who preach to the people giving them instructions of form and not of time (Mt 10: 1- 17, Mark 6: 6-13, Lk 9: 1-6). Jesus asked his apostles to remain in Jerusalem, but only until the day of Pentecost, after which they must go to preach throughout the world with the power of the Holy Spirit (Luke 24: 47-49, Acts 1: 4-8) , So that the scriptures establish that Peter and John appear immediately outside of Jerusalem, Philip evangelizes in Samaria and Barnabas in Antioch, which suggests an ecclesiastical organization, mother-based in Jerusalem, but soon the apostles will leave the holy city to preach to The Gentiles throughout the world, as the principal patriarchs of the Church recount in their writings, and at the head of Jerusalem one of the two apostles named James, the so-called brother of the Lord, James the Less.

          If the death of Christ and the day of Pentecost are dated in the year 30, and the death of Santiago in the year 44, there are about 14 years in which Santiago was able to undertake leisurely the trip, whose beginning some sources place between the years 33 and 36, with a stay of 6 to 8 years, and a return to Jerusalem in the year 42. Beyond this chronological precision, such a journey was far from being as fabulous or inaccessible, as we shall see, and even other apostles traveled more.

          The first reference is in the biblical quotation of the roman Cornelius, centurion of the italic court (near Seville), and the necessity to flee from the reprisal of Herod before the theft of the body of the apostle Santiago, first and very significant criterion that Hispania Could constitute a suitable destination.

          It is necessary to specify that the Palestine-Galicia crossing is an achievement already dominated by the Phoenicians, founders of Cadiz ten centuries before Christ, and initiators of the so-called tin route to the British Isles across the Atlantic, passing first by the coasts of Galicia; That is to say that the maritime route of the Tradition Jacobea was very well known and frequented already in apostolic times. The Romans called the Mediterranean Sea, Mare Nostrum, and transited it from one point to another point of the Empire. They dominated the transit until Galicia and in their coasts and estuaries founded, sometimes on old castros, cities like Brigantium (Corunna), and Iria Flavia (Padrón) among others. They reached Britania which they added to the Empire, consolidating the maritime route of tin, obtained in Cornwall, Sorlingas Islands and Galicia. The Acts of the Apostles contain some accounts in which it is unequivocal that maritime journeys were common and necessary at the time (Acts 20: 13-16, 21: 1-7, 27: 1-44, 28: 1-14). The edict of Diocletian, emperor from 284 to 305, indicated that the average route to reach Lusitania from the Roman port of Ostia by sea was about 20 days, which demonstrates its dominance through a very ancient experience. On the other hand, the existence of the Roman port of Pontecesures, already existing in Tiberius (42 BC-37 AD), allowed the transfer of a Jew from Palestine to Iria in the first century on one of the ships Periodically that route between Palestine and the Hispanic northwest, which under the Roman pax was more feasible and frequent than in many other historical moments. The Roman writer Pliny in contemporary times with the apostles, wrote in his Natural History that a sailing ship could make the crossing between Cadiz and Ostia in seven days, and in four if it was from Roman citerior Hispania.

          The Finisterre was also an apostolic reference: “You will give testimony of me in Judea, in Samaria and to the end of the earth,” says the Scriptures, and where the evangelist Luke may be expressing allusion to this achievement. The Apostle Paul gives us a clear testimony that the apostles have undertaken the evangelization of the whole known world, also with a reference that has reached the ends of the world: “And I say to myself: Have not they heard it? Yes, of course: To all the earth the voice of the messengers has come and their words reach the ends of the world “(Rom 10:18). These words of Paul are not a mere Biblical allusion to Psalm 19, but a testimony that prophecy has been fulfilled and that the apostles have come to proclaim Christianity to the ends of the known world, as many patriarchs of the Church will say, some expressly citing Hispania.

          The tomb find and the identification of Bishop Teodomiro raises the big questions:   Why Santiago?      Why in Spain ?.

          The Tumbo A of the Cathedral of Santiago, cartulary that collects the privileges granted by the Hispanic monarchs to the Señorío de Santiago, contains between them a document of great argumentative value. This is a copy that refers us to the times when there was no Compostela, but only Iria, and that Iria welcomed the bishops of Tuy and Lamego, emigrated during the Muslim invasion, in honor of Santiago, which Occurs more than a century before the discovery of his tomb. It is a document accredited first by Enrique Flórez in his Spain Sacred (tomo XIX) and later by Antonio López Ferreiro in his History of le Santa A. M. Church of Santiago de Compostela (Volume II). Later Manuel Risco, continuador of the Spain Sacred, in Volume XXXIV revalorizes the news of the document and its valuable content, of times in which are conserved so few documentary instruments. In this document King Ordoño II of Leon orders the bishops of those venues to return to their respective dioceses, since the danger of Muslim invasion has disappeared. These bishops were still in Iria, as successors of those who left the original sites, and the document remembers that Iria received them and provided them income to subsist, in honor of the Apostle Santiago: “… ac tendentes ad Episcopum supra memorate sedis Hiriensis propter honorem sancti Iacobi collegit eos humanitate prestate ... ” That is to say, the document tells us that in the bishopric of Iria there was a memory that the Apostle Santiago would have his burial somewhere near Iria.

          José Guerra Campos and Salustiano Portela Pazos tell us about the existence of Cult to Santiago before the discovery of the apostolic tomb. In the sixth, seventh and eighth centuries, churches dedicated to Santiago proliferate in countries such as England and France, in keeping with the testimonies of Aldhelmo de Malmesbury, who recognizes Santiago as the first preacher in Hispania, and Bede the Venerable, who also recognizes that there Were transported and hidden their remains. They are clear indications of the existence of a sepulchral cult hidden in some place of Galicia, from where they leave to those countries relics by contact with the rest of the saint (brandeum). Also in Asturias and above all in Galicia, churches consecrated to Santiago before the discovery proliferate, and those of Boente, Cerceta, Fornito, Mera, Queirico, Villabonoriz, all consecrated to Santiago before 748, and that of Avezán in 758 They are data that speak of the existence of a Jacobean cult before the official discovery of the Jacobean sepulcher. Therefore the local cult had not been completely abandoned, but remained very small, but with the tomb accessible and guarded. This state of lethargy is the one that could maintain the tomb before the legend of the hermit Pelayo, that makes known it. That is to say, that the Cult and the proximity of the apostolic tomb could be related, and the exhumation that Theodomiro discovered could be that of a hidden tomb, but of known local existence.

          In his Epistle to the Romans: Paul announces his intention to travel to Spain, and he does so in terms that suggest a prior evangelization: “But now that there is no more place for me to work in these regions, and since I have been longing for many years to visit you, I plan to do so when I go to Spain. I hope to see you while passing through and to have you assist me on my journey there, after I have enjoyed your company for a while” (Rom 15:23-24). And he reiterates his intention a second time: “So after I have completed this service and safely delivered this bounty to them, I will set off to Spain by way of you” (Rom 15:28). Paul’s words, regardless of whether or not he fulfilled his purpose, speak of the existence of a Christian community in Spain consolidated in the time before him, that he wanted to know personally. A Christian community in the first century that may very well be considered the first church in Spain, and which must have been initiated by one of the twelve. If this epistle was written about the year 57, the presumed evangelization had to begin much earlier, and therefore it can also be presumed that it could be chronologically in the life of Santiago.

          A European tradition places Santiago in Spain sent by Peter and Paul, and even Santiago and Paul have been represented in farewell salute before undertaking their respective preaching work. Beyond the reality of these traditions, they prove that Spain is an apostolic objective in tune with the existence of indications of a church already established in the second century. In the year 180 St. Irenaeus of Lyon speaks of the Christian communities in Spain, and Tertullian cites that Christianity had spread to the last confines (omnes termini) of Spain, penetrating to the jungles and mountains inaccessible to the legions (loca inaccesa), and although some speak of exaggerated rhetoric and proselytizing, it should not be hidden that translates that the evangelization and the follow-up of Christianity by Hispanics was very remarkable. It is thus understood that Arnobius of Sicca (260-327) writes that “Christians in Spain are innumerable”. Cipriano de Carthage in the first half of the third century, in his letter 67, dated 255 and called “The birth certificate of the Spanish Church”, cites the churches of León, Astorga, Mérida and Zaragoza, which indicates an important Extension of the Church in Spain. The bloody persecutions of Christianity in Spain during the third and fourth centuries, even among the camps of the Roman armies, prove that the rooting of Christianity in Hispania is very important, because it is not pursued with such emphasis but what is well rooted, and Is sought to be safely uninstalled by the pernicious influence in the military domain. The persecution of Christianity in Spain spread during the governments of Decius (249-251), Galo (251-253), Valerian (253-260), and Diocletian (284-305); Produced many Spanish martyrs collected by the Latin-hispanic poet Prudencio (348-410) in his “Peristephanon”, a series of 14 hymns where he exalts the heroic attitude of the martyrs, not only through literary inventiveness, but also through direct knowledge of surviving witnesses of The recent persecutions. The persecution of Diocletian was the last pagan effort to overthrow Christianity, which was implanted in the Empire and even in the imperial palace, (wife and daughter of the emperor were catechumens), penetrating the upper classes and the army, justifying that Tertullian of Carthage said towards the 200: “We are from yesterday and we have already filled all your things: the cities, the islands, the towns, the villages, the villages, the army, the palace, the senate, the forum. We have left you only the temples … ». “The more you pull us out, the more we are: the blood is the seed of Christians”. The temples were left empty and their pagan priests, who supported by the Roman senate, spread that the Christians were a noxious sect that threatened the Empire, pressing the emperor to change the policy of toleration that Diocletian had maintained at the beginning of his rule. The persecution that sought apostasy with torture, flattery and bribes, to demoralize the church, arose the libeláticos, that obtained a certificate of making pagan sacrifices without having done it, to appear in the list of the faithful to the Empire and that they left them in peace. Even a new class of apostates, the “traditors”, who, to save their lives, delivered the sacred writings and books that were destroyed and burned to avoid the spread of Christianity.

          Even in Gallaecia (ancient Galicia), with many of the earliest important Christian sites (Leon, Astorga, Lugo, Braga), there are signs of early Christianization even in rural areas. Indeed, the consultation of the Christians from Leon to St. Cyprian on whether apostate bishops, forced by the threat of martyrdom, could be reintegrated into their former churches, and their reply in the aforementioned letter 67, when it has not yet been established Authority of the bishop of Rome, proves the existence of important and well-organized Christian communities, presided over by a bishop, which seems to be a sign of an old Christian roots, which must have taken considerable time to establish themselves; And does not seem to be an isolated case, wich it is a clear indication of the contemporary and earlier existence of other Christian nuclei in the north-west of the Iberian Peninsula. The unanimous acceptance that Priscillianism took root in Galicia in the fourth century, even in the rural area, already implies the pre-existence of an old Christian settlement in Gallaecia, which seems to receive confirmation in the excavations of the subsoil of the compostelan Cathedral.

          Although until the middle of the third century there is no documentary evidence on Christianity in Spain, logical in a time when there is no documentation of anything and in which being a Christian is prohibited and is persecuted harshly, but there is evidence that it is already well established In the second century, so that its first beginnings had to be very much earlier, probably during the first century, according to the testimony of St. Paul. For this reason, no credibility should be omitted from the Jacobean Tradition, as historical science often does beforehand, without such an attitude being considered justified after a more profound and multidisciplinary study.


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          A chapter that seems to me of great value is what I call THE ABSENCES OF SANTIAGO. In the Acts of the Apostles it contrasts that of the three favorite apostles, pechina03there is the presence of Peter and John, in the absence of any mention of James. The presence of Peter and John stands out particularly in the scene of the healing of the birth cripple next to the Beautiful Door (Acts 31-11), with popular admiration and amazement that gave rise to the speech of Peter (Acts 312-26) to serve For the conversion of many, and that they might be rebuked by the Sanhedrin (Acts 41-22).

          The prestige and presence of Peter then highlights in miracles such as the healing of a paralytic of Lydia and the resurrection of Tabitha in Joppa.

Milagros San Pedro

          In front of this signified presence contrasts the emptiness of Santiago from which nothing is said until his martyrdom, which may be suggesting that Santiago was not present and well it is possible to interpret that this long and empty meaning translates an “Absence by distant and lasting trip”.

          In the account of the death of James, it contrasts the brief mention of it in the scriptures (Acts 1:21-4): “At that time King Herod had some members of the Church arrested to mistreat them. He commanded to execute James, brother of John. ” This is Carracci,_Annibale_-_The_Stoning_of_St_Stephen_-_1603-04all the news that is given, and instead there is abundant information about the death of the deacon Esteban, who, being a less relevant person, the Acts recounts his appointment and work in detail (Acts 6: 7), his arrest (Acts 6:8-15), his discourse (Acts 7: 1-53), his death (Acts 7: 54-60) and his burial (Acts 8: 1-3). From Santiago, on the other hand, nothing is said, nor is it mentioned if it were buried, which suggests that Santiago was not buried; In fact it could not be formally. How do you explain the emptiness of one of the favorite apostles? If the deacon Esteban died in the year 34 and they keep from him so many details, how is it that he does not keep a single comment or memory about some of the leaders of Christianity ?. It is a very significant difference that can be understood as a new argument about the ignorance by a clandestine evacuation of the body.

          And of his Sepulcher?. There is no vestige of Jacobite sepulchral worship in Jerusalem. An anonymous pilgrim to the Holy Land, from the 6th century, known as the Placentino (from Piacenza) left a “skeletal” news about the tomb of St. James on the Mount of Olives. This is all there is about James the Greater from the earliest centuries to the present day, the testimony of some untranslated pilgrim in a localized and concrete cult over some definite tomb or mausoleum. This anonymous, isolated and unconfirmed fact, far from being a positive indication of the sepulchral cult of Santiago in the Holy Land, is precisely a criterion of lack of it, as if there were instead with James the Lesser and first bishop of Jerusalem or of the deacon San Estaban, or as with the tomb of Christ, or that attributed by some to Santa Maria, which, beyond their certainty, are true sepulchral cults.

07cappellaArmeniBigTemplo Santiago Alfeo



          All that remains of the memory of Santiago is that he was beheaded in Jerusalem, and in the face of the sepulchral lack contrasts with the worship that the Armenians render to the beheading of James the Greater in the Holy City. The Great Armenian Temple of Jerusalem (formerly Georgian) prides itself on having in the preferred place of the central nave, the throne or chair of James the Less (the brother of the Lord), and underneath the main altar is kept the tradition of being his Tomb, which occupies the preferred place of the Church. In other words, this temple has as 07santuarioGiacomoBigmain value the sepulchral cult to Santiago the Lesser. Dedicated to Santiago el Mayor there is only the chapel of the decapitation, where it is said that its head is buried but without real evidence of such relic, while the Armenian tradition itself states that the body was transferred to Spain, and the original text that Collection is from the beginning of the 7th century, translated into the Armenian language between 620 and 638, long before the discovery of the compostelan tomb. This tradition fits well with the fact that many Armenian pilgrims, before the discovery of Jacobean sepulcher, went to Compostela in the twelfth century, as recorded in the Codex Calixtino.

          All this can only be interpreted as that the Apostle Santiago was not buried there. That is why the absence of his figure in the Scriptures, the lack of sepulchral worship, and the Armenian tradition, justify well something that tunes with the legend: that Santiago was absent for a long time, that on his return was executed, and then clandestinely evacuated to a faraway place.

          Over the DECAPITATION OF SANTIAGO, Herod Agrippa, educated in Rome at the imperial court, being restored in the Jewish government, is seen as a fictitious and Romanized Jew, more linked to Rome than to Israel. Herod has to get along with the martirioSantiagoZurbaranpeople and the Sanhedrin, and advised by him, ordered to arrest Santiago and condemn him for treason to Judaism, whose penalty, according to some Israeli tradition, is decapitation without burial. To erase his memory, the corpse was thrown to the Gehenna, or Valley of Hinon, a ravine near the southwest wall of Jerusalem, which became a garbage dump of the city where garbage and animal or criminal bodies were incinerated. To leave without burial was the greatest affront that could be made to a Jew, and this destiny so at hand in Jerusalem, that enjoyed a certain tradition, fits well with the destiny devised for a sentenced to decapitation by treason to the Judaism.

          Great value here charges the LIBERATION OF PEDRO, arrested immediately after Santiago, also to execute him and obtain credit among the Jews. The Scriptures mention it very clearly, when after executing James says of Herod that “seeing that this proceeding pleased the Jews, he also seized Peter …” But the Scriptures recount their miraculous deliverance and that Herod, greatly upset by his frustrated purpose, retaliated against the guard. Regardless of whether or not it was a supernatural fact, pedro_liberacionthe situation fits in with a liberating plot, in a nascent Christianity that had support in all sectors of Jewish and Roman society, particularly between the Sanhedrin and the Roman army, collaborators in a liberating plot that manages to save Pedro but did not have time to rescue Santiago, at least in life. Everything is also happening during the great debate between Judaism and Christianity, whose main exponent was the “openness to the Gentiles”, an issue that clashes head-on with Judaism that is intransigent in its concept of being the chosen people that awaits its liberating Messiah, who do not accept in the figure of Jesus Christ, generated the Jewish rejection and the persecution and arrest of the apostles and followers of Christianity, whom they judge traitors. Herod’s reprisal and the historical absence of a sepulcher in Jerusalem and Palestine give meaning to the clandestine evacuation of the body of St. James, and it was not in a stone boat, but in a well-caulked ship from which they periodically made the route between Palestine and the Hispanic Northwest.

casa curtidor          The CONSERVATION OF THE BODY in such a long journey is another obstacle that far from being insurmountable, is well understood by the quotation in the Acts of the Apostles of Simon the Tanner (Acts 10: 6): “… that they bring Peter, who Is staying with Simon the Tanner, who has his house by the sea”. The façade of this house is Joppepreserved as a tourist visit of local interest. Simón the tanner is a professional in the preservation of bodies and skins, faithful to Christianity, residing in Joppa (Jafa), which hosts Pedro in his house, strategically located in front of the Mediterranean Sea, next to the lighthouse, in full conflict with the Judaism. On the Peter's_vision_of_the_sheet_with_animalsterrace of this house Peter decided to open the doctrine to the Gentiles, which the scriptures report in the form of a visionary ecstasy (Acts 10: 9-16) which reveals to him that he should not consider profane or impure any man outside or not Jew (Acts 10: 27-29). And staying in this house was required by the centurion Cornelius, a Gentile described in the Scriptures as just 220px-Baptism_of_corneliusand fearful of God, to whom Peter decided to grant baptism with his family. Cornelius is precisely a centurion of a court in the Hispanic city of Italica, so that Cornelius’ participation in the Jacobean crossroads, with a Roman guard seeking to escape from Herodian retaliation, may well justify that the fugue, with the body of the apostle Santiago treated by Simón el Curtidor, found a suitable route of evacuation from Joppe, by sea, and his destination could be very well the lands of Hispania.

          In harmony with the absences of Santiago, the silence about his burial, the liberation of Pedro, the cult of burial of the Jews to their dead, and the presence of Simon the Tanner, it is logical to think of an initiative to rescue the body of Santiago And a form of fleeing from Palestine would have to be sought, in a fortuitously clandestine manner, probably in a hurry, given the risk of traveling with the body of one of the most outstanding leaders of an ideology rejected by Jews and Romans. The sea route was the best resource, from Joppe, the nearest port to Jerusalem, where his body could be conveniently treated and concealed, and then carried where it could be received, perhaps guarded by the hispanic guard of Italica who needed to flee from Herod . If he was preaching in the ends of the earth, why not return there, where they would probably find a suitable place for his tomb? Those who heard his preaching and venerated his legacy would gladly accept the location of his tomb, which would occupy a place of admired respect rather than famous worship. To guard his grave would be the last service, anonymous and clandestine, like the whole process, so that it is lost in the course of a history in which colonizations, wars, invasions, changes of creed, doctrinal struggles, and of course the cloak of the time. If this trip is clandestine, its repercussion should have been scarce; Just the right to leave a record in the local popular memory, settling there as a subliminal message.

          Everything that has been argued up to this point makes sense of the escape to Joppa, the preservation of the body and the evacuation by sea, so that the old Jacobean Tradition is not a capricious and incredible option, but a coherent possibility and the most logical and feasible answer In the circumstances of the death of the Apostle James.

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          In front of the Jacobean Tradition the most normal thing is to adopt one of the two postures: to accept it or to reject it. Any one of them is impossible to assume with certainty and is adopted one or the other according to the previous disposition of each one. In such old traditions, a destructive attitude is as uncertain as ensuring authenticity, because all legend arises from a nucleus of historical truth of popular root that soon surrounds itself with an envelope of inventiveness and even falsity, reason why each, according to its Predisposition, you will find what you want to find, arguments of possible credibility or reasons for falsehood. It is possible to say that the tradition, transmitted during centuries, introduces elements that magnify and deform the legend. It is therefore appropriate to see what can be truthful or credible and extract the elements of symbolic value throughout their transmission through time and successive cultures. In doing so we may find the true background of the Tradition. _3_151_3396_representacion_de_la_traslatioIt is necessary to analyze if between the historical and legendary elements there is something that allows us to discern and relate what may exist between the fantastic and the objective. We can begin the analysis by the mythical “stone boat”.

          The older versions say that Santiago arrived at the Galician coast in a Stone Boat, which will soon be an easy resource for detractors, who, faced with the brilliant argument of the impossibility of a stone ship floating, conclude that tradition is a Mythical story, without credible content and that does not deserve historical consideration or scientific analysis.

Nueva imagen (2)          But the stone boat is not a constant element, it appears only in the old versions, those of popular origin of oral transmission, because the Jacobean Tradition is not an ecclesiastical initiative, but that its origin and its transmission is popular of local beginning. In tune with this, we see that there are coincidences in other places of Galicia, such as Muxia and San Andrés de Teixido whose rocky cliffs are rich in forms whose vision allows us to understand that primitive people could see here Stone Boats, with rocks that mimic the Parts of a ship or inverted forms turned by the sea.

          Stone Boats also appear on other European Atlantic coastlines, such as Brittany, Wales and Cornwall, where stone ships bring heroes, warriors and other mythological characters. That is, we are faced with the Atlantic diffusion of an archaic element that permeates the Jacobean Tradition, but which is neither substantial nor genuine in it.

Dibujo 4 terminado - copia          An option valued by some authors is that the stone boat is a sarcophagus on a boat or raft to go up a river in case of “repatriation” of some personage of the antiquity, for which it was necessary to exhume the sarcophagus and to send it to its place of origin. This would be perhaps unusual, but not exceptional in the antiquity, in that the transfer of rest and relics, acquired a certain development. How was the transfer ?. Neither the roads nor the vehicles were adapted to it, and the land routes were scarce and conceived for military and administrative rather than commercial purposes. The maritime and fluvial routes, already developed by trade from ancient times, were the fittest way. The sarcophagi and stone blocks were even well accepted in the ships’ holds as ballast necessary for navigation. The landing of the sarcophagus at its destination in a raft submerged by the weight, would seem a small ship of stone floating. From an estuary or estuary, the fluvial drag with poles or ropes, from the raft or the shore, allowed to go up the rivers to the opportune place. Placed these elements in some Galician place, between mysterious mists, reconstructs the legend with all its most fantastic and legendary components. So the absurd assumption of the stone boat floating and sailing over the waters does not necessarily have to be a myth, but may respond to an understandable fact.

Quinquerreme romano. guerracontraroma.blogspot.com. - copia          Still another explanation: stone boat does not refer to the material of which the boat is made, but to the function that it carries out, the transfer of mineral (gold and tin) by sea, according to the route of tin initiated by Phoenicians and continued by Romans. Galicia is in the middle of the commercial route of tin, and was also producer of the same, and in the valley of the Sil, lands of Orense and in the Bierzo, there is evidence of Roman gold explorations, minerals that would later be transported by sea to other points of empire. The trade in stone between Egypt and Galicia in the time of Jesus Christ is documented in ships that were already called stone ships, which is associated with the Celtic cultural tradition, allows to understand the easy transformation of one concept into another through the centuries.

          Without a demonstrative pretension the stone boat has a logical dimension that does not authorize to a priori dismiss the Jacobean Tradition.

hundimiento puente          A parallel procedure can be applied to other of the many elements that mythologize the Jacobean account, such as the 7 days and the 7 disciples, which can be explained more simply by the biblical use of number 7 than an impossible chronological reference or a specific number of disciples. The fight with the dragon and the bulls are also Traslado torossymbolic elements that represent the overcoming of difficulties. The helmsman angel or the divine hand that guides the ship or the sinking of the bridge that protects the disciples from their persecutors tell us of the divine protection in the style that makes the crossing of the Red Sea.

          The useful conclusion of this section is that the legend, even its fantasy accumulated across cultures and centuries, keeps a coherent and understandable content, which is already a first substrate of verisimilitude that invites us to continue deepening.



Predicación Santiago          It is necessary to specify that in the legend of Santiago there are two well differentiated parts, one that speaks of a trip from Santiago to Spain and its preaching in Hispanic lands, and another that refers to the transfer of the remains of the Apostle to Galicia by some disciples, who would have brought him from Jerusalem, where he was martyred. Therefore, more than a single tradition, are two traditions in one, that it is necessary to distinguish.

          Codice_PergaminoThe first places Santiago in Spain, not necessarily or exclusively in Galicia, and is based on an oral tradition whose origin is in the beginnings of Christianity, reinforced later by documentary evidence that suggests the existence of a Tradition that is transmitted through the centuries. The second begins in the ninth century, and consists of two elements: a first consisting of the revelation of the tomb of the Apostle Santiago (Inventio), and a later one that relates how the transfer of the remains to his tomb (Translatio).

compostela127          Each of the two traditions has its own argument, and rather than dissociate them must be analyzed. But each of them reinforces the other, and really are two moments of the same Tradition, as anticipated Bede the Venerable in the seventh century, because in addition to talking about the evangelization of Santiago in Hispania, he associates it with a transfer: “The Sacred bones of this blessed Apostle, were transferred to Hispania, and in their extreme part, placed safely in front of the British Sea “. The British term does not refer here to the British Isles or to French Brittany, but to Britonia, the Breton diocese of the Spanish northwest whose headquarters was Santa Maria de bande-prov-ecl-galicia-visig_opt2Bretoña, today San Martin de Mondoñedo (Lugo). That is to say, the connection between the two traditions existed already before the texts that sought to explain the Inventio and the Traslatio appeared, and before the discovery of the apostolic remains. It is important to emphasize this, because a singular fact in the appearance of the elements of the Tradition is that they appear in reverse order, first the tomb is revealed, and later the stories that explain the transfer appear. It is a contradictory question that many have used as a criterion of falsity, but which on the contrary has a very rational justification. The tomb is first discovered because its location was a local fact of little or no diffusion that is lost in the memory of an incipient and punished Christianity. It will be after the discovery when the need arises to explain the transfer on the signs of a very diluted and deformed oral tradition.

          If James had died in Jerusalem, where was his body? In order to respond to this, a formal discovery was necessary, which according to the use of the time could only come convincingly through revelation. The first written reference to revelation are found in three ancient letters of Compostela from the 9th century (829, 844 and 854) in which it is only mentioned that the body of James was revealed in 813, being Teodomiro bishop of Iria Flavia , During the reign of Alfonso II the Casto, and that the discovery took place in the valley of Amaia, but nothing is said about the circumstances of the revelation.

Concordia antealtares          The story of the Inventio appears in the “Concordia de Antealtares” (1077), between Diego Peláez, bishop of Iria, and Fagildo, abbot of the Antealtares Monastery. The first focus of construction of the future construction of Compostela, will be a small basilica and a monastery with a community of monks who took care of the relics cult of the apostle Santiago, raised on the east side in front of the entrance door of the Roman tomb, For which he was given the name of Antealtares, and of which there are no vestiges since it was demolished for the uprising of the cathedral that would replace the basilica of Alfonso III raised in the opposite side of the edículo, that remained between both constructions. This demolition involved a litigation between basilica and monastery because the beginning of the cathedral that demanded to demolish monastic edification, with a struggle of interests that concluded with the signing of the document of agreement on the new location of the monastery, with guarantees and agreements by which the Monks renounce the Church in exchange for privileges in the new cathedral, which will centralize the custody of the apostolic sepulcher, whose remains are related to its origin. Its documentary value is questioned because it arises two and a half centuries after the discovery, but together with the above mentioned antecedent, it must be added that the agreement does not seek to fill a void that did not concern in the Feudal Compostela, but to resolve the conflict of interests and Lay the custody of the holy body. The supposed void was occupied by an oral tradition that ends up finding a written expression.

          Belief and even popular knowledge goes here before the Church, in the elaboration of a narrative explaining the preaching in Spain, the martyrdom in Jerusalem and the burial in Galicia.

          The oldest document is the Translatio Sancti Jacobo, collected in the Codex Calixtino and Historia Compostelana (12th century), and later adorned in La Leyenda fotobleyenda 1493.Aurea de Jacobo de la Vorágine (13th century). It is the anonymous compilation in the ninth century of texts related to the Apostle of the popular oral tradition of the place, originally vulgar and appropriate for its declamation and perhaps intonation with some musical accompaniment in popular public forums. Its content mixes the Tradition with the Seven Apostolic Men of the Betica who are the disciples of Santiago, three of whom remain guarding the tomb, and the other four dispersed to preach. It includes local terms such as Iria and Sacred Peak, and popular myths such as the dragon, brave bulls and the sinking of the bridge.

The second document that explains the appearance of the body of the apostle in Spain is the Epistle of St. Leo. There are three versions of it, in which a more careful narrative is formed in the background and the forms in evolution from the popular to the cultured. The first, written between the end of the 9th centuyy and the beginning of the 10th century, is the version of the abbey of San Marcial de Limoges, supposedly attributed to Saint Leo I, pope between 440-461, known in Galicia in relation to Priscillianism; Is faithful to the Translatio but better tracing the outlines of the tradition, and still mixing it with that of the Seven Apostolic Men of the Betic, citing three remaining tombs, Torcuato, Tesifonte and Anastasio, (the first two homonyms to the list Of the Seven Men of the Betic), and four others returning to Jerusalem. His Latin is quite deficient, which translates his inspiration into the most popular Traslatio. The 2nd, from the end of the tenth century, is preserved in the Escorial, and is a more careful version, attributed to Pope Leo III (795-816); Eliminates the miraculous facts too portentous and only quotes to Anastasio like common name to the previous one, not pertaining to list of the Seven Men. The third is a scholarly writing from the end of the eleventh century or beginning of the twelfth century, attributed also to Leo III, is the form that is recorded in book III of the Codex Calixtino, which recognizes only two disciples other than the Seven Apostolic Men: Athanasius and Teodoro.

Already with the phenomenon of pilgrimage in boom, starting from the conviction in the value of the compostelan discovery, and to give credit and orthodoxy to the new that the discovery had confirmed, The Tradition needs arguments that support it and allow a solid and congruent diffusion. It can be said that it seeks to promote Compostela with principles equivalent to the current advertising. It is what the Letter of St. Leo seeks, explaining how the body of James the Greater, who was said to be the evangelizer of Hispania, after his martyrdom in Jerusalem narrated in the Acts of the Apostles, was able to reach the coast of Iria Flavia and be buried in the future Compostela. Its basic purpose, common to all versions, is the certification of the primacy of the Church as ecclesiastical endorsement. The different versions are successive adaptations of the Translatio to convert the popular oral tradition into a written, erudite and cultured tradition, demystifying the transfer and dissociating it from the Tradition of the Seven Apostolic Men.