31- Bernal de Bonaval y el amor platónico

          Bernal de Bonaval fue un trovador gallego de la primera mitad del siglo XIII, uno de los pioneros y más destacados poetas de la lírica galaico-portuguesa. Oriundo de Bonaval, se le considera natural de Santiago de Compostela ya que en sus obras cita con frecuencia el monasterio compostelano de Santo Domingo de Bonaval. Y como poeta galaicoportugués se le consideraba un segrel, es decir un trovador que no ejercía solo por amor al arte sino por dedicación  profesional, obteniendo dinero por la interpretación de sus composiciones;  era casi siempre el caso de infanzones pobres o gente de la baja nobleza, o sirvientes o escuderos de los nobles, habituados como ellos a sus formas y modos, pero  de recursos limitados. No obstante llegó a ser uno de los poetas preferidos y galardonados en las cortes castellanas de Fernando III y Alfonso X, en las que era asiduo, fraguándose allí su prestigio poético.

          En las cortes poéticas, primero de Fernando III y luego de Alfonso X, se prefería el gusto versificador de los poetas galaicoportugueses, más que las tendencias de los trovadores occitanos de la Provenza y su moda tan extendida, precisamente en buena medida a través del Camino de Santiago. Había una tendencia estilística propia que se expresaban en fórmulas menos rebuscadas y más directas, pero cargadas de una afectividad muy viva.

          El propio rey Alfonso X dijo de él, en una cantiga, que parecía haber aprendido su arte del mismísimo demonio, reconociendo en él  unos cánones poéticos autóctonos, propios de un una lírica preexistente a la influencia provenzal. Así se expresó en unos versos dirigidos a Pero da Ponte y reconociéndole como precedente de esa tendencia estilística: 

Vos nos trobades como proençal

Mais como Bernardo de Bonaval

Por onde non e troubar natural

pois que o dél o de demo aprendestes

          De este modo es legítimo entender que Bernal de Bonaval componía en un estilo pre-trovadoresco autóctono, lejos de los cánones provenzales, y que era pionero en ello, generando incluso cierto estilo y escuela.

          Su legado poético se conserva en los cancioneros, en donde se guardan ocho cantigas de amigo, diez cantigas de amor y una tensón (debate entre dos trovadores).

          Un género en el que Bernal de Bonaval destacó especialmente fue en el de las Cantigas de amor. Se trata de un género poético centrado en el amor cortés apasionado que siente un  caballero por su dama, amor que por alguna razón no explícita, no es correspondido o se trata de un amor imposible que se idealiza en tono de lamento. El enamorado rinde vasallaje feudal a su amada, hasta el punto que el modo de dirigirse a ella es el de “senhor”, que tiene aquí el valor pseudónimo de servicio a la dama que se ama sin esperanza de obtener compensación afectiva.

          Es el caso de una cantiga que es verdadera obra maestra en su género y que a menudo se cita como ejemplo de cantiga de amor, y que se identifica por su primer verso:  A dona que eu am’e tenho por senhor.  Se trata de una cantiga compuesta por cuatro estrofas de tres versos cada uno, del cual el tercero es un verso fijo que encierra y reafirma una convicción general, y que en este caso es la de preferir la muerte por mediación de Dios que la carencia del ser amado.

CV 660, CBN 1003

A dona que eu am’ e tenho por senhor

amostrade-mh-a, Deus, se vos en prazer for,

se non dade-mh-a morte.

A que tenh’ eu por lume d’ estes olhos meus

e por que choran sempr’, amostrade-mh-a, Deus,

se non dade-mh-a morte.

Essa que vós fezestes melhor parecer

de quantas sey, ay, Deus!, fazede-mh-a veer,

se non dade-mh-a morte.

Ay, Deus! que mh-a fezestes mays ca min amar,

mostrade-mh-a hu possa con ela falar,

se non dade-mh-a morte.

—————————————–

La dama que yo amo y tengo por Señor,

Dios mío, mostrádmela, así me hacéis favor

si no, dadme la muerte.

La que tengo por lumbre de estos ojos míos,

que lloran sin cesar, mostrádmela, Dios mío,

si no, dadme la muerte.

Ésa que Vos hicisteis de mejor parecer

de todas cuantas hay, hacédmela ver

si no, dadme la muerte.

Ésa que más que a mí me hicisteis amar,

mostrádmela, ¡Ay, Dios! porque le pueda hablar,

si no, dadme la muerte

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30 Alfonso Eanes Do Cotón, entre trovas y tabernas.

          Fue un trovador galaico portugués cuyas trovas tuvieron eco y difusión en el Camino de Santiago, particularmente la ruta de los portugueses.

          Este noble coruñés fue uno de los más famosos trovadores galaico-portugueses por su exquisito modo de trovar y por su trágico desenlace. Se dice que nació en la población coruñesa de Negreira a finales del siglo XII, pero más recientemente se ha descubierto que en la propia localidad de Cotón, a unos 15 km de la capital gallega, existe un palacio perteneciente a la propia familia del trovador. Además el supuesto padre del trovador, un “Iohannes Cothon” tenía su residencia en la capital gallega, tal como atestigua la escritura de una casa de la “rua de Faiariis” (Porta Faxeira), siendo el mismo su propietario, el cual parecía estar casado con lo que el propio nacimiento de Afonso podría ubicarse a finales del siglo XII en la misma Santiago de Compostela.

          Se tiene constancia de su participación en las campañas de Reconquista de Fernando III, y de la lectura de su obra se deduce que estuvo presente en la conquistas de Jaén, e incluso en las tomas de Sevilla y Córdoba.

 

Pero da Ponte, ou eu non vejo ben

Ou de pran essa cabeça non é

A que vós antaño, per boa fe,

Levastes quando fomos a Geen”

          En su obra se detecta que fue un asiduo frecuentador de tabernas y que le gustaba alternar con mujeres de la vida. Recorrió buena parte de Castilla (Burgos, Palencia, Carrión…) detrás de una mujer de la que él mismo dice que “no sabía si era casada, viuda, soltera, toquinegra, monja o fraila”. Alguna fuentes citan que se amancebó para escándalo de todos con María Pérez Balteira, también conocida como la soldadera de los trovadores, mujeres que acompañaban a los soldados en sus campañas, y ejercía como verdaderas juglaresas que tocaban, danzaban y cantaban sus trovas para alegrar a los soldados en las campañas militares, en las ciudades y de los castillos, con una vida un tanto licenciosa.

          En la cantiga de otro trovador, Martín Suárez, se presenta a Alfonso Eanes do Cotón como trotamundos bohemio, dado al vino, al juego, a las prostitutas y a la bronca: “mais pago-méu deste foder astroso / e destas tavernas e deste  bever). El propio Eanes do Cotón le devuelve adjetivos respondiéndole que es “mui gran putanheiráficado” y que se pasa la vida en garitos y mancebía.

          Terminó sus días muriendo a cuchilladas en una taberna de la recién fundada Ciudad Real a manos de su amigo y discípulo Pero da Ponte, cumpliéndose el viejo adagio: “Al maestro,  cuchillada presto”. Será nada menos que el rey Alfonso el Sabio quien acusa del crimen cometido con Cotón a su amigo Pero da Ponte: “Es, por lo tanto, un gran traidor probado, contra quien mató a su gran amigo mientras bebían; y todo por robarle sus cantares“.

          Su obra poética floreció durante los reinados de Fernando III y de Alfonso X, cuyas cortes visitó con frecuencia. De su producción se conservan unas veinte cantigas, siendo la mayoría de escarnio o maldecir. También se conserva una tensón (de debate entre dos trovadores), que compuso mano a mano con su amigo e discípulo Pero da Ponte, y que muchos estudiosos consideran como más interesantes de su producción.

[B 826 / V 412]

Se gradoedes, amigo,
de mí, que gran ben queredes,
falad’agora comigo,
por Deus, e non mi o neguedes:
amigo, por que andades
tan trist’ou por que chorades?

Pois eu non sei com’entenda
porque andades coitado;
se Deus me de mal defenda,
quería saber de grado,
amigo, por que andades
tan trist’ou por que chorades?

Todos andan trebelhando
(estes con que vós soedes
trebelhar) e vós chorando;
por Deus, e que dem’havedes,
amigo, por que andades
tan trist’ou por que chorades?

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ING10- The contribution of archeology.

          Historic, religious or civil buildings, in addition to their architectural and artistic dimension, have a great significance in virtue of the long process that goes back to its origins, especially if it is the Antiquity, and is linked to the privileged location they occupy, where happened events not registered by the chroniclers, but that are roots of identity of the place and its surroundings. Therefore, the archeology of these buildings and places gives us access to knowledge of a process that transcends the current reality of the building itself, which includes its background and reveals data from stages in which documentary evidence is scarce or does not exist. Archaeological information thus comes to cover historical gaps of epochs without written information, about precedents that otherwise would have remained hidden. Thus understood from archeology, the Cathedral of Santiago de Compostela is a complete history of the Jacobean event from moments long before the “Inventio”, and informs us of a city before the Middle Ages, which came to be believed to be non-existent in the absence of an ancient history .

          In the excavations that were carried out under the cathedral presbytery and in the subsoil of the basilica of Compostela, at different chronological times, a series of material remains have been collected which give us valuable data of the dynamic dimension of the Jacobean phenomenon, such as its origin chronological, its evolution in time and evidences of the pilgrimage in the time. These are fragments of ceramics, coins, glass beads, etc. There is Roman pottery from the end of the first century to C. in the middle of the third century AD, which refers us to the first Roman nucleus; (VIII-X centuries), and its medieval apogee and construction of the Romanesque cathedral (XI-XIII centuries), to the late Middle Ages and Modern times. There is also a diversified number of coins that include pieces from Roman to modern times, and as a chronological and geographical reflection of the pilgrimage it is significant to evidence the presence, in addition to copies of the Spanish kingdoms, of French coins along with others from different European origins, Such as German or Italian.

          The ornamental tiles of marble and porphyry typical of the mosaics, typical of Roman buildings, or glass objects dating from the first and second century, in tune with more recent finds in the Plaza de la Quintana and the Cloister, come to confirm the existence of an important HIGH-IMPERIAL ROMAN SETTLEMENT in what will later be the apostolic locus. From here the dynamic interpretation of the archaeological findings allow us to know a conversion as a center of sepulchral cult that generates the city of Compostela, first around the Roman tomb edifice, then guarded in the basilicas of the astures kings and then in its splendid cathedral Romanesque, constituting elements recognized by archeology as roots of the Jacobean phenomenon that transforms a local sepulchral cult into a pilgrimage cult of European dimension.

          Although not exhaustive archaeological pretension, from the multidisciplinary approach of this analysis, it is interesting to outline three major archaeological findings for the context of the tradition: The gravestone of Bishop Teodomiro, the Roman tomb edifice and the paleocristian Necropolis.

          THE SEPULCRAL GRAVESTONE OF TEODOMIRO is the tombstone of the tomb of the bishop who led the discovery of the apostolic tomb. Ignored for centuries, it is discovered during excavations of the subsoil of the cathedral between 1946 – 1959, in a semi-enclosed enclosure half the southern wall of which was Alfonso III basilica, place that today occupies the southern edge of the current cruise. It is a large granite slab of more than two meters long by almost a meter wide, which has engraved the cross of Alfonso II and an inscription that reveals to us the historicity of the character and the importance of his discovery: only a very relevant discovery could generate the transfer from the original headquarters of Iria to a new place, to build there its episcopal seat without ecclesiastical designation, and to place there its own burial, in full harmony with the sepulchral cult that underlies in Compostela.

          ROMAN SEPULCRAL EDICLE. In the explorations carried out between 1875 and 1886, a funerary monument of Roman influence attributed to the first century was found beneath the presbyter’s basement. The absence of a lower access door and a comparative study with other buildings of the time allow us to recognize that it is a question Of a building of two plants, a lower one destined to sepulchral chamber, and another superior dedicated to the oratory or memorial cult, united to each other by an inner staircase, and that through the time will undergo a series of transformations as we will see. Studies of 1988 have revealed as a significant significance the existence of a marttirial fenestella, or small window to obtain relics of cloth by contact with the remains (brandeum), an indication that it is a cult of Christian martyrs of Roman times , Because it is original of the Roman wall, not by posterior rupture. In this work, Isidoro Millán Gonzalez-Pardo reveals a surprising finding when making a series of slides in the side graves, which allowed to discover the plug of the fenestella with the inscription ATANASIO MARTIR, precisely one of the disciples of the Jacobean legend, in spelling Greek and Hebrew with signs of mystical symbolism, which could be related to the cemetery of the Mount of Olives in Jerusalem. The finding, labeled controversial and questionable, has remained dormant for years until the recent studies of Enrique Alarcón, University of Navarra, finds in this inscription other meanings that would revalidate the Jacobean Tradition. He announces the discovery of the word Jacob interlaced with the Greek word “martyr” – meaning “witness” -. For Alarcón the symbolism of the inscription is very rich, with allusions to the Jewish feast of Shavu’ot, equivalent to that of Christian Pentecost, with ritual signs of the beginnings of Christianity. The find refers to the inscriptions found in the tombs of the primitive Judeo-Christian cemetery in Jerusalem. Alarcón recalls that it is at Pentecost that the apostles set out to preach to all peoples, by order of Christ to leave Jerusalem and be their witnesses until the Finis Terrae. In this line he maintains that the inscription refers to Santiago as fulfiller of that mandate: witness of Christ in the Finisterre; Although there is nothing to indicate that, at the beginning of the Christian Era, what we now call Finisterre already had that name, there is much historical documentation that for many Greek and Roman scholars the western end of the earth was found there, Which is a contemporary reference, so that the finding, in his opinion, “confirms the tradition” that places the Apostle in Hispanic lands and his burial in the Compostela temple.

          The hypothesis, controversial and questionable, needed academic confirmation, but it is still a criterion that, with all the prudence that the case deserves, must also be placed in the relation of criteria and arguments.

          PALEOCHRISTIAN NECROPOLIS. The excavations of 1946-1959, carried out in various phases in the subsoil of the basilica of Compostela, reveal an intricate series of necropolis in which, from the second and third centuries, Roman, Sueva and Medieval tombs took place in Where it is surprising the existence of common elements that speak of a Christian cult that is transmitted around the main tomb towards which they are oriented.

Necrópolis paleocristiana          The conclusion of these findings, even with room for further analysis and research, leaves no doubt that Compostela is not an invention or a montage, but a true finding, with antecedents not reflected in the chronicles, which keep a surprising approximation with the Legendary Tradition Jacobean.

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ING9.- The Discovery of the Sepulcher.

          The narrative of the discovery is also done in a legendary way: In the days of Alfonso II el Casto, an anchorite named Pelayo, near the village of Solovio, witnessed luminaries in the forest of Libredón where he lived, receiving in dreams the oracle of the angels that these lights announced the remains of the Apostle. The faithful who shared the knowledge of the phenomenon informed Bishop Teodomiro, who, on account of his testimony, showed up at the scene, and surprised by the finding, ordered the retinue to keep three days of fasting, after which he opened a breach in the forest to see what it contained, and discovered in the middle of the thicket, a small building with an altar, inside which he discovered a larger tomb and two smaller ones that flanked it, which identifies as the Sepulchral tomb of the Apostle James and his disciples Athanasius and Theodore.

          Teodomiro’s reaction, far from being precipitated, can be valued as serene, since the situation could raise him almost to the same rank as the Bishop of Rome, as the bones of an Apostle chosen by the Lord lay in his seat; could project a trip to the Rome of Leon III, or to the Carolingian empire that then was under the command of “Ludovico Pío”. It is a criterion that tells us that more than the result of a magnificent find, seeks to make known a hidden news that wants to protect. He avoided grandiloquent attitudes and merely reported to his king, Alfonso II, monarch of the Asturian kingdom, who fought for subsistence rather than historical greatness. The Asturian reaction was not so rapid as it is often said, but it should be noted that it was very measured and studied, for in Oviedo, founded by King Fruela I in the eighth century, there was already a venerated pre-Romanesque temple whose holy chamber kept valuable relics where The Savior was worshiped. The Jacobean find must have aroused a feeling of moral competence and a legitimate doubt of the authenticity of the finding. That is why the Asturian official chronicles were discreet. Finally the find seems to have convinced the monarch, who organized a trip with the court to the tomb discovered, and ordered to build in 834, several years after the find, a church that hosted the mausoleum. This journey of the monarch from Oviedo to Compostela will be considered as the first official pilgrimage to the holy place, generating what we now call the Primitive Way. Rather it seems that Teodomiro presented arguments that demonstrated to the monarch his certainty in the finding, and this one ends up recognizing it. It will not do so by raising a large temple, but a modest basilica of stone and mud with a single nave, next to which the churches of San Salvador and of San Juan, the monastery of Antealtares and the episcopal palace, With a wall defining an enclosure that constituted the Locus Sanctus Iacobi.

          After the reigns of Ramiro I and Ordoño I, king Alfonso III during the episcopate of Sisnando I, demolished the primitive church and had erected a bigger and sumptuous one, of three ships, in carved stone and with columns and marble floors, whose works began in 872 and were consecrated in 899. Later, Sisnando II, before the successive attacks Norman, reinforces with more solidity the primitive wall of the Locus. This will be the architectural ensemble that will destroy Almanzor in 997. The two Asturian basilicas, very different in size and inversion of materials, have one thing in common: to keep the Roman tomb mausoleum at the head. Both are born to guard the Jacobean tomb.

          There are authors who interpret the Jacobean phenomenon as an ecclesiastical initiative in the service of the Reconquest, and consider that the sepulchral find is the result of Opportunism: a military opportunism, for which everything would be a montage at the service of the Reconquest, and ecclesiastical opportunism for which everything would to be a montage in the service of the Church.

          Military opportunism, often wielded, is as apparent as inconsistent, since Santiago was already a cause of worship in the north of Spain and considered a protective patron more than fifty years before the discovery of his burial, and because between the beginning of the Reconquista (about 722) and the time of the Inventio (about 829), it takes more than a century, and it will take seven more centuries to complete.

          The “fabulous” battle of Clavijo, allegedly fought in 844 during the reign of Ramiro I, entails such manipulation of data and interests that make it a historical falsehood. The supposed affront begins in the tribute of one hundred maidens supposedly acquired by the king Mauregato with the Muslims in exchange to avoid bellicose contests. The glory of the triumph was due to the miraculous help of the Apostle Santiago, Matamoros since then, who announced to the king in dreams his favorable intervention on white horse and silver sword, that would lead them to victory, and in gratitude the king establishes a tribute ( Vote of Santiago). Sánchez Albornoz demonstrates that this battle did not exist, and that the real battle was fought at Monte-Laturce, in Albelda, won a few years later by Ordoño I, without the tribute of maidens, nor miraculous intervention, nor vote for Santiago. Ramiro II, rey de Castilla y León, que con una peregrinación a Compostela invocó la protección del Apóstol, fue quien concedió el voto a Santiago después de la batalla de Simancas en 939, en la que Ramiro II, asistido por sus condes Fernán González Y Assur Fernández, lograron una sólida victoria sobre las tropas de Abderramán III. Santiago becomes an emblem and harangue for the troops, in an isolated and unsuccessful way within this extensive process of centuries, where he is not even the only one that bears the pedigree of matamoros; the kingdom of Leon invokes Isidore of Seville (buried in Leon) and make him ride alongside the Christians of the kingdom of Leon, while the Castilians invoke and do the same with San Millán de la Cogolla, according to Cluniac tradition prior to the discovery of the tomb, And each army has its patron to which it pays tribute in the form of Vote, with litigation that was settled in the high courts, and Santiago arrived only to be imposed at the end of century XIV, with the Reconquista already very advanced that it gives rise to an Imperial Spain whose “wars divinales” find an adequate standard. Even in the seventeenth century, San Millán is again proclaimed Patron of Castile, and copatron of Spain, and at this time it is proposed to grant the patronage of Spain to Santa Teresa instead of Santiago. Invoking the myth of Santiago matamoros as a montage pro-reconquista is an illusion that contributed much to the legacy of the artistic heritage but had nothing to do with the origin of the Tradition Jacobean.

          For Sánchez Albornoz the Reconquista had nothing of holy war, because it did not obey to the fulfillment of a precept in the way that proposed the Islam, nor was understood like form of death martyr. Nor can it be understood as a crusade because it was not carried out with religious motivations such as the recovery of foci of religious value, nor the extension of a creed. Although the reconquest began in the peripheral communities of the Visigothic kingdom of Toledo (Astures, Cantabria …), with traditional resistance to being subjugated, in the Hispanic territories of the north merges with the interests of the fugitive Goths of the battle of Guadalete (711) before the Berber troops of North Africa that crossed Gibraltar to the control of Tariq and Muza, by means of the Count Don Julian before the dynastic conflict by the crown of Witiza. The aid becomes an invasion, and in only four years, without resistance, by peaceful capitulations, transactions and friendly pacts, and only sometimes by military force, they seize almost the entire peninsula. Don Pelayo will be the creator of the fusion of the rebellion of the peoples of the north with the patriotic motivation of the fugitive visigodos and agglutinates a unique movement that, perhaps from diverse feelings, finally are grouped in a common front. Thus, since the founding of Oviedo in the eighth century, the Reconquest has as identifiable objectives in the chronicles, the expulsion of the Muslims as usurpers of the Visigoth, and the restoration of the Visigothic kingdom, which had already achieved the desired territorial unity between 476 And 711. The intact Visigothic identity soon resumed a process of reinstatement, and not for doctrinal but patriotic motivation. Thus, it is inconsistent to think that more than a century after its beginning, recourse was had to the farce of a spectacular tomb to encourage the Reconquest.

          Ecclesiastical opportunism has even less foundation because the Jacobean Tradition, contrary to what is usually heard, was not created by the Church to the measure of its own interests, but was the first to adopt a critical attitude, and Rome ignored Long time to Compostela. At the end of the tenth century the Hispano-Visigothic church, considered rude and ignorant, had little prestige in Rome, in contrast to the celebrity of Santiago, cited in the Muslim chronicles as the most important Christian sanctuary in Hispania, attended by pilgrims from all Parts of Europe, including Rome. Here begins a latent rivalry between Santiago and Rome that will take its first executive channel in the Roman initiative to abolish the Visigothic rite and replace it with the Roman. In the middle of the eleventh century, Rome is concerned with the growing preponderance of the Church in Santiago and the bishop of Iria Cresconio (1037-1066) awakens the Rome a deep concern to deal more with arms and militias than in the pastoral questions, by the high dominion over other Hispanic bishoprics with power ceded by the kings and military prestige that chronicles the chronicles, and especially for nominating itself as episcopis lriensi apostolicae sedis. All this was done with incidents that were understood as gestures of contempt towards legates sent by Rome in matters of protocol of reception, as well as some statements that sounded dissidents, the suspicion became an accusation of arrogance and pride, and for the risk of schism Ecclesiastic, Leo IX, at the Council of Reims in 1049, excommunicates Cresconius for being awarded the title of bishop of the apostolic see, which is understood from Rome as an excessive ambition of the primacy of the Hispanic Church and an equal treatment towards Rome. At the same time as the excommunication, several canons were imposed that affected the old Hispanic church, in particular the one of “Gallaecia”.

          But although the arguments of opportunism are unfounded, the discourse leaves its mark and in relation to Santiago the critics they take anti-jacobeo party, and it comes to question the historicity of Teodomiro to which it is come to consider a fictitious personage for the occasion, and The previous existence of Compostela is denied, which is considered a city created in the ninth century to “place” an invented tomb in it, and unleashes the unnecessary dilemma of whether Compostela is a montage at the service of military and ecclesiastical interests.

          It is true, and it should be pointed out, that Santiago is handled with several well-intentioned intentions, which may suggest to be a montage in which many gain benefit: the military gets delivery in the fight; Kings and politicians gain land conquered; The monks achieve promotion of the pilgrimage that elevates the donations and privileges; The prelates achieve fiscal benefits and economic favors; The Church acquires devotees and a dignified alternative to the Holy Land …. These interests, often behind the most petty human attitudes, dirty the Jacobean Tradition in the manner they did the merchants of the Temple of Jerusalem. But these were never generative motives, but attitudes that profit from an earlier phenomenon that is not the result of an opportunistic montage or a simple error; If it were, the history and the archeology they would have detected it, and there is no such thing. It can not be accepted that Compostela was the fruit of a multidisciplinary super-confabulation, a supra-historical plot, in which the favorable documentary data lack rigor or are falsifications, the necessity and opportunity of relics of the first order are sufficient reason for them to be aligned on the same side: monks, prelates, politicians, kings, soldiers, men of science, pilgrims of every condition, and the attitudes, and documents of people of different Historical moments, they are interested, or false, or mistaken, or manipulated. And all are able to coordinate a lie over the centuries transmitting to perfection slogans that conceal the montage without loopholes, undetectable to archeology, without today it is possible to deny. Already only this situation has so much argument, that even without being demonstrative, it keeps much persuasion in favor of the Jacobean Tradition.

          It would be very little if this were all, but there is much more.

Publicado en ING9.- The Discovery of the Sepulcher., L- TRANSLATION TO ENGLISH AND ITALIAN | Deja un comentario

20- Almanzor y las Campanas de Santiago de Compostela

          Su verdadero nombre era Abi Amir Muhammad. En el inicio de sus campañas victoriosas contra los cristianos del norte peninsular decide tomar un sobrenombre honorífico (costumbre hasta entonces reservada a los califas), y adopta el título de al-Mansur bi-Allah «el que recibe la victoria de dios», que será reducido al castellano como Almanzor, con el que le identificaron sus enemigos y con el que pasó a la Historia dejando huella en el acerbo colectivo.

         Como hombre de gran temperamento pero no avalado por una condición palaciega, debía lograr su cuota de poder primero a costa de aprovechar bien los lances favorables para medrar estratégicamente en la corte, y luego a  base de prestigio militar, que no podía lograr más que a base de empresas militares victoriosas y deslumbrantes, subrayadas por gestos paradigmáticos que reforzaran su reputación y autoridad por encima de lo terrenal, abriendo el campo de lo mítico y legendario. Y lo consiguió en buena medida, esculpiendo un nombre al que se unió el apodo de “el Victorioso”, con que despertaba el entusiasmo popular. Para ello transformó a fondo el ejército tal como era concebido por los primeros Omeyas, y lo reforzó con tropas beréberes con las que alcanzó una fuerza muy estable y eficaz, y sobre todo muy fiel a su persona. Expulsó del ejército califal a la mayor parte de los mercenarios eslavos que habían llegado a constituir una verdadera casta de privilegiados en la corte cordobesa- y sustituirlos por unos 20.000 beréberes, reclutados por él mismo en el norte de África, medida que le proporcionó una enorme popularidad. Y emprendió una profunda reestructuración de sus tropas con el propósito de acabar con la organización tribal de éstas, lo que era fuente de continuos conflictos, dispersando en diferentes unidades a los miembros más destacados de cada familia. Su fuerza radicaba en su ejército, a lo que se unía una astucia en la estrategia de campaña en que se alzaba como un riguroso defensor del Islam. Cuando no era por fidelidad incondicional, lograba apoyos a través del temor que inspiraba o por conveniencia, acuñando pactos con líderes cristianos basados en el acuerdo de respeto mutuo por el que se comprometía a no saquear ni devastar las tierras de sus aliados; y también con el de la recompensa, repartiendo parte del botín de sus éxitos y obsequiando valiosos presentes de joyas, telas y tapices sarracenos. Así es como logró reunir una fuerza “invencible” que le permitió acuñar su fama y su sobrenombre, que le sirvieron para vencer, en sus arrasadoras  campañas, a los territorios cristianos del Norte y entrar victorioso en las principales ciudades y centros religiosos de Cataluña, de Castilla, de Navarra y de León. Ante la proximidad del año 1000, muchos pensaran que estos brutales ataques formaban parte del apocalipsis, porque estas razias arrasaban con todo.

          Mientras Almanzor hacía frente a una insumisión en África, el rey Bermudo II de León  decidió suspender el pago del tributo acordado el año anterior. La contestación de caudillo andalusí, que entonces contaba con 57 años, fue rápida e inesperada, convertir la deslealtad de Bermudo en la justificación de golpe rotundo a Santiago de Compostela como modo de afligir a todos los fieles del credo contrario e incrementar su largo prestigio de defensor del islam. Para mayor insidia contó además de nobles cristianos leoneses contrarios a la decisión de Bermudo que decidieron aliarse con el chambelán sarraceno.

        Había llegado al más alto grado de su poder y prestigio cuando optó por una empresa idónea para él y que hasta entonces nunca abordada por otro líder musulmán. Decidió marchar contra Santiago de Compostela para coronar su trayectoria con un órdago de lujo que le encumbrase al nivel de los grandes líderes de la historia como Alejandro Magno o César Augusto. Santiago era la ciudad de Galicia que albergaba el más importante santuario cristiano de España y de las regiones cercanas del continente. La iglesia de Santiago, en propio decir islámico, era como la Meca, yendo allí en peregrinación desde los países europeos más lejanos; creen, decían ellos, que allí estaba enterrado Jacobo, equivalente a su Yaqub, uno de los doce apóstoles de Cristo, el que gozaba de la mayor intimidad de Jesús, que para predicar su doctrina vino a España y llegó hasta Galicia; volvió a Palestina y siendo allí condenado a muerte, pero sus compañeros trajeron sus restos para enterrarlos en esa iglesia que se hallaba en el límite extremo hasta donde había llegado en sus viajes. Hasta los sarracenos conocían la tradición jacobea como fuente de peregrinación y de fuerza moral para los cristianos y eran conscientes de que le invocaban en sus dificultades y se decía que les daba fuerza invencible en sus batallas.  

          Ningún príncipe musulmán había tenido nunca el proyecto de atacar tal lugar ni de llegar hasta allí, en razón de las dificultades que se oponían al acceso de su emplazamiento en tierra abrupta y de la gran distancia a que se hallaba. Se añadía aquí la opción de romper un mito para el mundo cristiano.

          La expedición estival salió de Córdoba el sábado 3 de julio del año 997, en la que se contaba como su cuadragésimo octava campaña. Su objetivo era acrecentar su huella de poder y destrucción en una tierra y lugar señera para los cristianos, derrotando a su ejército, arrasando sus posesiones y ciudades, minando su moral y obteniendo un rico botín para sus arcas. Entró primero en la ciudad de Coria, al norte de Extremadura y que venía siendo, por su posición estratégica, lugar de pugnas entre musulmanes y cristianos. Después se trasladó a Viseu, y allí se le reunieron buen número de condes cristianos que reconocían su autoridad y que, descontentos con el rey cristiano, se le presentaron con sus guerreros para unirse a las tropas musulmanas.

          A fin de llevar su empresa militar  a buen término planeó muy bien su estrategia y ordenó la formación de una gran flota en Alcaçar do Sal, donde debía embarcar y ser transportados los cuerpos de infantería, los aprovisionamientos y las armas, hasta mas al norte del lugar de Porto en la desembocadura del Duero, río que remontó hasta el lugar elegido para reunión de todas las tropas.

          Se dirigió entonces al norte, atravesando el Miño y subiendo hasta Valladares (Vigo), y cruzando extensas regiones y atravesando diversas rías, arrasando y saqueando todo lo que encontraban, haciendo botín, capturando prisioneros y ensanchando la senda para que pudiera pasar su colosal ejército.

          Llegaron a la ría de Lurqui o Lurki (Lérez) que atravesaron por dos vados que les fueron señalados, y después cruzaron el río Ulla y penetraron en llanuras bien cultivadas y abundantemente abastecidas.  Llegaron a Padrón, donde se alzaba uno de los templos consagrados a Santiago, que para los cristianos seguía en importancia al que guarda su sepulcro, por lo que acudían a él devotos de las regiones más distantes de la cristiandad. Tras arrasarlo fueron a acampar ante la orgullosa ciudad de Santiago el 10 agosto. Sus habitantes la habían abandonado y los musulmanes se apoderaron sin resistencia alguna de todas las riquezas que en ella hallaron. La ciudad fue sometida a un riguroso saqueo durante una semana y, posteriormente se incendiaron y derribaron sus murallas, sus edificios, sus palacios y todas sus edificaciones, de modo que no quedaron huellas de las mismas. Completando la humillación al mundo cristiano y acaso para dejar el brillo de uno de esos gestos emblemáticos que engrandecerían su renombre, dice la leyenda que dio de beber agua a su caballo en la pila bautismal. Sin embargo, los guardias colocados por Al-Mansur hicieron respetar el sepulcro del santo, e impidieron que la tumba recibiera daño alguno. Ibn Idari inserta en el Rayan al-Mugrib el relato de la presencia de un anciano monje que, en solitario, custodiaba la tumba del Apóstol, abandonada por el resto de los habitantes; «¿Por qué estás ahí?», le preguntó el chambelán cordobés. «Para honrar a Santiago», le respondió sin sombra de pánico el celoso guardián. Sus palabras decididas, la santidad y pureza de su misión y tal vez, los últimos resortes supersticiosos del hayib, le salvaron la vida, y el vencedor dio orden de que le dejaran tranquilo.

          Entre otros bienes conseguidos en el saqueo figuran seda brocada en oro, paños finos, pieles preciosas, además de las campanas del santuario y las puertas de la ciudad. El Códice Calixtino, que calificó la acción de Almanzor como instigación del demonio en contra de la herencia de Carlomagno, incluye en el expolio los códices, las mesas de plata, las campanas y los demás ornamentos. Esta inclusión en el Calixtino da plena credibilidad al robo de las campanas como parte del botín. Campanas y Puertas de la ciudad constituyen, más que el hurto de elementos valioso, todo un mensaje simbólico: las campanas con que los cristianos convocaban las ceremonias de su religión estaban destinadas a alumbrar la mezquita cordobesa, el recinto sagrado de la fe contraria, y la madera de las puertas tras las que los compostelanos creían parapetarse se utilizarían en el artesonado de las nuevas naves de un edificio musulmán.

          Las tropas conquistaron después las comarcas vecinas y llegaron hasta el lugar de Maianca, punto extremo al que ningún musulmán nunca había llegado, y en la que se detuvo el avance. Al-Mansur comenzó su retirada desde Santiago, justamente tras ser consciente de que había avanzado más lejos que ningún otro de su credo y que había logrado sus objetivos de arruinar el prestigio protector de Santiago como máximo emblema de los cristianos, y superar toda hazaña conocida de un líder sarraceno. En su regreso atacó y saqueo otros lugares pero respetando las posesiones de los condes aliados a su ejército, a los que despidió en la fortaleza de Lamego, después de un desfile militar con todos los honores y recompensarles con parte de los bienes saqueados. Desde Lamego el ejército regresó a Córdoba victorioso y cargado de botín, después de una campaña considerada como una bendición para los musulmanes y que había encumbrado a su caudillo hasta la máxima cima lograda nunca.

          En razón de los efectos morales conseguidos, la expedición a Santiago figura, por derecho propio, entre las que más renombre dieron al caudillo andalusí. Aquel que, sin duda, mereció el epitafio que sus adeptos escribieron sobre su tumba:

Sus hazañas te enseñarán sobre él

como si tus propios ojos lo estuvieran viendo.

¡Por Dios!, nunca volverá a dar el Mundo nadie como él

ni defenderá las fronteras otro que se le pueda comparar.

         A pesar del valor mítico de su nombre, que sembró el miedo en varias generaciones cristianas, y del éxito militar de sus brutales  incursiones, el éxito de Almanzor fue mas moral que real, pues no logró modificar apenas las fronteras ni evitar la ruina económica del califato. Su única medida económica efectiva fue la guerra, con la toma de numerosos prisioneros  y el logro consiguiente de rescates y venta de esclavos. Sus hijos, en un intento de iniciar una saga de chambelanes, fueron incapaces de conservar el poder heredado y pronto inició disgregación del Califato en taifas. Medina Alzahira, en árabe la “ciudad resplandeciente” fue una ciudad palatina construida por Almanzor en el siglo X en las cercanías de Córdoba en la margen derecha del Guadalquivir. Su construcción se produjo entre 979 y 987. Almanzor abandonó la sede de Medina Azahara y se instaló en Medina Alzahira, que convirtió en el segundo centro administrativo y de poder del Califato, hasta que fue saqueada y destruida en abril de 1009. Los hijos de Almanzor no estaban a la altura de su padre, provocando como consecuencia la decadencia de la ciudad, que en el año 1009 fue invadida por el pueblo de Córdoba. Todos los bienes muebles fueron saqueados y los edificios, monumentos, fuentes y muros de la ciudad fueron destruidos con furia. Nada debía permanecer para recordar a la efímera dinastía de los amirí, todo fue destruido y abandonado hasta el punto que los arqueólogos siguen sin saber con seguridad la ubicación de la ciudad.

          Igual significado, más emblemático y efectista que objetivo y práctico, fue el famoso expolio de las campanas de Compostela, de las que se cuenta, con un mucho de valor legendario, que los prisioneros cristianos fueron obligados a cargar con las campanas del templo de Santiago hasta Córdoba donde fueron empleadas como lámparas de la nueva ampliación de la Mezquita. De modo que las campanas que habían honrado y glorificado a uno de los Apóstoles de Jesucristo, se encontraban ahora alumbrando la mayor mezquita que jamás se viera en occidente. Cabe imaginar escenas épicas de los esclavos portando dura y forzadamente colosales campanas de bronce por medio de plataformas portadoras, como si fueran presos de una galera en tierra y a través del largo trayecto entre Compostela y Córdoba. Y también entre el mito y la realidad se dice que las campanas regresaron de forma idéntica a Santiago, dos siglos y medio después, está vez a manos de prisioneros musulmanes capturados por Fernando III «El Santo».

          Siendo precisos y para dar al relato dimensiones reales, hay que considerar que no solo se expoliaron las campanas de Santiago, sino la de todas las de las iglesias de la campaña, tanto al ir como al regresar. La cuantía de bronce total obtenido debió ser muy abundante. Pero más relevante para desmitificar el hecho es que la basílica compostelana destruida era un templo de dimensiones modestas que se quedaba pequeño a una cristiandad que peregrinaba hasta él, pues se trataba de un templo prerrománico levantado a finales del siglo IX, que contaba con un carrillón de unas 11 campanas mas bien pequeñas. Las crónicas hablan que dado el tamaño de tales campanas podían ser adecuadas para servir de lámparas de aceite para iluminar el interior de la mezquita, dándolas la vuelta sobre unos trípodes y llenas de aceite. El resto de las campanas saqueadas en tierras cristianas parece que sirvieron para hacer puertas de bronce para la mezquita. Tras la reconquista de la ciudad de Córdoba por parte de Fernando III el Santo, se pensó compensar a la mitra compostelana con nuevas campanas, y se refundieron aquellas, sí, pero vertiendo en esos nuevos moldes el bronce de las campanas que habían sido recicladas como lámparas y el de las puertas de la mezquita, que provenían tanto de las expoliadas en Santiago como del resto de campanarios saqueados en aquella campaña.

          Las campanas actuales de la catedral de Compostela no son ya las nuevas campanas refundidas en Córdoba para su retorno, fue necesario construir otras para la catedral románica. Durante la transformación barroca del siglo XVI se erigió una nueva torre en la catedral, que llaman hoy del reloj o Torre Berenguela, la cual necesitaba una gran campana, y se consiguió fundiendo las nuevas que habían llegado desde Córdoba para conseguir la monumental “Campana Berenguela”, que descansa hoy sobre un pedestal en una esquina del claustro y que podemos admirar, tras ser reemplazada por una nueva campana hecha en Holanda cuando la original se agrietó.

          La devolución de estas campanas era una cuestión de honor, un hecho simbólico con gran carga emotiva para aquellas gentes que, no obstante, subyace en el espíritu de la campana Berenguela muda y agrietada que reposa como una pieza de museo. Este espíritu de retorno y compensación del agravio fue recogido por diversas expresiones artísticas, como la que guarda la catedral de Gregorio Español, datada ente 1594 y 1596.

          Pero si se quiere y mientras contemplamos esa vieja y agrietada campana que descansa muda en el claustro, cabe aceptar un legado heredado desde los tiempos de Almanzor el Victorioso, pues parte de bronce que hoy descansa en el claustro catedralicio fueron las campanas expoliadas por Almanzor y retornadas después por Fernando III al templo del apóstol. 

Publicado en 20- Almanzor y las Campanas de Santiago de Compostela, E - PERSONAJES | Deja un comentario

ING8- Criteria that justify forgetting

          If we consider the Jacobean worship credible and transcendent: How could he forget?. It should not be difficult to resolve the question if we consider that today we forget the location of the grave of relatives not very distant whose memory happens to be ignored for our children or for ourselves. In Galicia it is not difficult for an endless number of plant species to take possession of the stone, to conceal it, and even to swallow it under its green silence. Thus have been forgotten tombs, ruins, walls and archaeological remains of all types low the thick vegetation. In other parts of the world, temples, villages and entire civilizations have been hidden under the thick of the jungle. Nothing difficult would be the immersion in the thicket of the Galician forest of a tomb and still of an old necropolis, that could literally be buried by a vegetation entangled in the trunks and the stones, opposing its pricks and its tangle to any curiosity, and that served As well as a lair to wolves, foxes and vermin, which would end up making it invisible and inaccessible to men. Tradition was able to last, leaving only its message of mystery transmitted from one generation to another, confused perhaps even with old traditions of those that existed by these contours.

          But first of all I should point out that there was never a need to forget it, but that the situation was that it never came to be known in a formal way and that it was limited to a question of local scope, contained by historical circumstances that prevented its expansion and They limited it to a circumscribed practice.

          Yet it is important to expose something that made it difficult to identify the facts and especially the person, whose identity we have already seen that historically, as in many other cases, was deformed by a multitude of legendary and mythical components that complicate the recognition of the protagonist.

Territories of preaching Burial place
Peter Jerusalem and Rome Rome
Paul Many, even Iliria Rome
Thomas Persia Edesa
Andrew Greece Patras
John Asia Minor Ephesus
SANTIAGO Palestine, Judea, Samaria, Spain Palestine, Judea / Marmárica, Galicia

          The identification of facts and personages was deformed by legendary components that make difficult its recognition, being the CONFUSION OF THE SANTIAGOS. On the territories of preaching and burial, the codices prior to the discovery of the Jacobean tomb, show a significant contrast between the unity of destiny of different apostles and the plural destiny of the apostle Santiago. Why this difference? The cause is in the confusion between personages with the same name: Santiago the Greater, Santiago the Minor and Santiago Alfeo. In the Western tradition, Santiago el Menor and Santiago Alfeo identify themselves as one and the same person, and that their father, Cleophas, is the same as Alfeo; While the Eastern Tradition identifies them as different characters, which gives us an idea of the complexity of historical criteria to identify or differentiate some characters.

          Some authors suggest a fourth Santiago not well identified in the author of the Evangelical Epistle, proper of an editor with a refined Greek domain, a literary style and a Semitic mentality that does not fit well with the previous ones and that opens the option of other possible personages with this name.

          The relation of personages with the name of Jacobo or Santiago is extended with Jacobo bishop of Nisibe called Great († 338), Afrates (270-345) that adopted the name when entering a monastery of Antioch and was confused with the previous one , Jacobo of Sarug (451-521), Jacobo of Palestine called the Hermit (6th century), and particularly Santiago Baradeo († 578), Syrian monk and last bishop Of Edessa in 541, that reached legendary fame like leader of the monofisismo, with adepts called jacobitas, that preached in lands of Marmárica, where it died and was buried. That is to say, that the tomb of Santiago in Marmárica that cites some codices, should not be that of Santiago the Major, but that of this Santiago Baradeo. Apart from the interpretations that have been given to the word “Marmárica” and its possible explanation, what seems to occur is that the figure of a single Macro-Santiago is amalgamated, in which the characters are confused, the place of preaching and the place of burial .

          It is understood that “in acha marmárica” is an equivocal expression without a clear meaning of location. Manuel C. Diaz y Díaz confuses him and defines it as “lectio difficilior” (“reading more difficult”) or expression that designates the principle of codicology according to which, from two or more readings of a passage, chooses the most difficult one, perhaps because it is the most genuine, if one takes into account that the scribe or copyist should have wanted to correct what he found incomprehensible. The consequence is an indecipherable toponym that has been modified in the manuscript translation, appearing of different forms in different sources, generating diverse interpretations. Other authors speak of “misrepresentation” or deformation of a word by the interpretation that the copyist gives him based on his own knowledge, transcribing erroneously a primitive toponym. If the term refers to the North African Marmárica (current Libya), it can not refer to Santiago to the Greater that no tradition locates there, and to be the mentioned Baradeo; Or to Santiago Alfeo, whom some tradition places preaching in Africa, perhaps also by confusion.

          Thus the existence of the Jacobean cult is plausible before its dissemination in the ninth century, and there are reasons for confusion and oblivion, such as apostolic anonymity, late interest in the life of the apostles, the clandestine nature of the jacobean process, confusion about the figure of Santiago, mistakes about the place name, and reasons such as Roman persecution, invasion by the Suevi and Islam, and depopulation by war, disease or famine. If these facts can separately explain the loss of a distant and local passage of history, much more when all of them are associated.

          The conclusion that we can deduce is that it is feasible the existence of a local cult, first concealed or forgotten and then reappeared and spread from a favorable moment.

Publicado en ING8- Criteria that justify forgetting, L- TRANSLATION TO ENGLISH AND ITALIAN | Deja un comentario

ING7- Verisimilitude of the Hispanic destination.

          A first objection of the Jacobite detractors is the LACK OF TIME to make such a fabulous journey, before the supposed mandate of Christ to the Apostles to remain in Jerusalem twelve years after the Ascension. The few testimonies of this news are not reliable because of their indirect, late and apocryphal character, in total contradiction with direct evangelical testimonies in which Christ entrusts his apostles who preach to the people giving them instructions of form and not of time (Mt 10: 1- 17, Mark 6: 6-13, Lk 9: 1-6). Jesus asked his apostles to remain in Jerusalem, but only until the day of Pentecost, after which they must go to preach throughout the world with the power of the Holy Spirit (Luke 24: 47-49, Acts 1: 4-8) , So that the scriptures establish that Peter and John appear immediately outside of Jerusalem, Philip evangelizes in Samaria and Barnabas in Antioch, which suggests an ecclesiastical organization, mother-based in Jerusalem, but soon the apostles will leave the holy city to preach to The Gentiles throughout the world, as the principal patriarchs of the Church recount in their writings, and at the head of Jerusalem one of the two apostles named James, the so-called brother of the Lord, James the Less.

          If the death of Christ and the day of Pentecost are dated in the year 30, and the death of Santiago in the year 44, there are about 14 years in which Santiago was able to undertake leisurely the trip, whose beginning some sources place between the years 33 and 36, with a stay of 6 to 8 years, and a return to Jerusalem in the year 42. Beyond this chronological precision, such a journey was far from being as fabulous or inaccessible, as we shall see, and even other apostles traveled more.

          The first reference is in the biblical quotation of the roman Cornelius, centurion of the italic court (near Seville), and the necessity to flee from the reprisal of Herod before the theft of the body of the apostle Santiago, first and very significant criterion that Hispania Could constitute a suitable destination.

          It is necessary to specify that the Palestine-Galicia crossing is an achievement already dominated by the Phoenicians, founders of Cadiz ten centuries before Christ, and initiators of the so-called tin route to the British Isles across the Atlantic, passing first by the coasts of Galicia; That is to say that the maritime route of the Tradition Jacobea was very well known and frequented already in apostolic times. The Romans called the Mediterranean Sea, Mare Nostrum, and transited it from one point to another point of the Empire. They dominated the transit until Galicia and in their coasts and estuaries founded, sometimes on old castros, cities like Brigantium (Corunna), and Iria Flavia (Padrón) among others. They reached Britania which they added to the Empire, consolidating the maritime route of tin, obtained in Cornwall, Sorlingas Islands and Galicia. The Acts of the Apostles contain some accounts in which it is unequivocal that maritime journeys were common and necessary at the time (Acts 20: 13-16, 21: 1-7, 27: 1-44, 28: 1-14). The edict of Diocletian, emperor from 284 to 305, indicated that the average route to reach Lusitania from the Roman port of Ostia by sea was about 20 days, which demonstrates its dominance through a very ancient experience. On the other hand, the existence of the Roman port of Pontecesures, already existing in Tiberius (42 BC-37 AD), allowed the transfer of a Jew from Palestine to Iria in the first century on one of the ships Periodically that route between Palestine and the Hispanic northwest, which under the Roman pax was more feasible and frequent than in many other historical moments. The Roman writer Pliny in contemporary times with the apostles, wrote in his Natural History that a sailing ship could make the crossing between Cadiz and Ostia in seven days, and in four if it was from Roman citerior Hispania.

          The Finisterre was also an apostolic reference: “You will give testimony of me in Judea, in Samaria and to the end of the earth,” says the Scriptures, and where the evangelist Luke may be expressing allusion to this achievement. The Apostle Paul gives us a clear testimony that the apostles have undertaken the evangelization of the whole known world, also with a reference that has reached the ends of the world: “And I say to myself: Have not they heard it? Yes, of course: To all the earth the voice of the messengers has come and their words reach the ends of the world “(Rom 10:18). These words of Paul are not a mere Biblical allusion to Psalm 19, but a testimony that prophecy has been fulfilled and that the apostles have come to proclaim Christianity to the ends of the known world, as many patriarchs of the Church will say, some expressly citing Hispania.

          The tomb find and the identification of Bishop Teodomiro raises the big questions:   Why Santiago?      Why in Spain ?.

          The Tumbo A of the Cathedral of Santiago, cartulary that collects the privileges granted by the Hispanic monarchs to the Señorío de Santiago, contains between them a document of great argumentative value. This is a copy that refers us to the times when there was no Compostela, but only Iria, and that Iria welcomed the bishops of Tuy and Lamego, emigrated during the Muslim invasion, in honor of Santiago, which Occurs more than a century before the discovery of his tomb. It is a document accredited first by Enrique Flórez in his Spain Sacred (tomo XIX) and later by Antonio López Ferreiro in his History of le Santa A. M. Church of Santiago de Compostela (Volume II). Later Manuel Risco, continuador of the Spain Sacred, in Volume XXXIV revalorizes the news of the document and its valuable content, of times in which are conserved so few documentary instruments. In this document King Ordoño II of Leon orders the bishops of those venues to return to their respective dioceses, since the danger of Muslim invasion has disappeared. These bishops were still in Iria, as successors of those who left the original sites, and the document remembers that Iria received them and provided them income to subsist, in honor of the Apostle Santiago: “… ac tendentes ad Episcopum supra memorate sedis Hiriensis propter honorem sancti Iacobi collegit eos humanitate prestate ... ” That is to say, the document tells us that in the bishopric of Iria there was a memory that the Apostle Santiago would have his burial somewhere near Iria.

          José Guerra Campos and Salustiano Portela Pazos tell us about the existence of Cult to Santiago before the discovery of the apostolic tomb. In the sixth, seventh and eighth centuries, churches dedicated to Santiago proliferate in countries such as England and France, in keeping with the testimonies of Aldhelmo de Malmesbury, who recognizes Santiago as the first preacher in Hispania, and Bede the Venerable, who also recognizes that there Were transported and hidden their remains. They are clear indications of the existence of a sepulchral cult hidden in some place of Galicia, from where they leave to those countries relics by contact with the rest of the saint (brandeum). Also in Asturias and above all in Galicia, churches consecrated to Santiago before the discovery proliferate, and those of Boente, Cerceta, Fornito, Mera, Queirico, Villabonoriz, all consecrated to Santiago before 748, and that of Avezán in 758 They are data that speak of the existence of a Jacobean cult before the official discovery of the Jacobean sepulcher. Therefore the local cult had not been completely abandoned, but remained very small, but with the tomb accessible and guarded. This state of lethargy is the one that could maintain the tomb before the legend of the hermit Pelayo, that makes known it. That is to say, that the Cult and the proximity of the apostolic tomb could be related, and the exhumation that Theodomiro discovered could be that of a hidden tomb, but of known local existence.

          In his Epistle to the Romans: Paul announces his intention to travel to Spain, and he does so in terms that suggest a prior evangelization: “But now that there is no more place for me to work in these regions, and since I have been longing for many years to visit you, I plan to do so when I go to Spain. I hope to see you while passing through and to have you assist me on my journey there, after I have enjoyed your company for a while” (Rom 15:23-24). And he reiterates his intention a second time: “So after I have completed this service and safely delivered this bounty to them, I will set off to Spain by way of you” (Rom 15:28). Paul’s words, regardless of whether or not he fulfilled his purpose, speak of the existence of a Christian community in Spain consolidated in the time before him, that he wanted to know personally. A Christian community in the first century that may very well be considered the first church in Spain, and which must have been initiated by one of the twelve. If this epistle was written about the year 57, the presumed evangelization had to begin much earlier, and therefore it can also be presumed that it could be chronologically in the life of Santiago.

          A European tradition places Santiago in Spain sent by Peter and Paul, and even Santiago and Paul have been represented in farewell salute before undertaking their respective preaching work. Beyond the reality of these traditions, they prove that Spain is an apostolic objective in tune with the existence of indications of a church already established in the second century. In the year 180 St. Irenaeus of Lyon speaks of the Christian communities in Spain, and Tertullian cites that Christianity had spread to the last confines (omnes termini) of Spain, penetrating to the jungles and mountains inaccessible to the legions (loca inaccesa), and although some speak of exaggerated rhetoric and proselytizing, it should not be hidden that translates that the evangelization and the follow-up of Christianity by Hispanics was very remarkable. It is thus understood that Arnobius of Sicca (260-327) writes that “Christians in Spain are innumerable”. Cipriano de Carthage in the first half of the third century, in his letter 67, dated 255 and called “The birth certificate of the Spanish Church”, cites the churches of León, Astorga, Mérida and Zaragoza, which indicates an important Extension of the Church in Spain. The bloody persecutions of Christianity in Spain during the third and fourth centuries, even among the camps of the Roman armies, prove that the rooting of Christianity in Hispania is very important, because it is not pursued with such emphasis but what is well rooted, and Is sought to be safely uninstalled by the pernicious influence in the military domain. The persecution of Christianity in Spain spread during the governments of Decius (249-251), Galo (251-253), Valerian (253-260), and Diocletian (284-305); Produced many Spanish martyrs collected by the Latin-hispanic poet Prudencio (348-410) in his “Peristephanon”, a series of 14 hymns where he exalts the heroic attitude of the martyrs, not only through literary inventiveness, but also through direct knowledge of surviving witnesses of The recent persecutions. The persecution of Diocletian was the last pagan effort to overthrow Christianity, which was implanted in the Empire and even in the imperial palace, (wife and daughter of the emperor were catechumens), penetrating the upper classes and the army, justifying that Tertullian of Carthage said towards the 200: “We are from yesterday and we have already filled all your things: the cities, the islands, the towns, the villages, the villages, the army, the palace, the senate, the forum. We have left you only the temples … ». “The more you pull us out, the more we are: the blood is the seed of Christians”. The temples were left empty and their pagan priests, who supported by the Roman senate, spread that the Christians were a noxious sect that threatened the Empire, pressing the emperor to change the policy of toleration that Diocletian had maintained at the beginning of his rule. The persecution that sought apostasy with torture, flattery and bribes, to demoralize the church, arose the libeláticos, that obtained a certificate of making pagan sacrifices without having done it, to appear in the list of the faithful to the Empire and that they left them in peace. Even a new class of apostates, the “traditors”, who, to save their lives, delivered the sacred writings and books that were destroyed and burned to avoid the spread of Christianity.

          Even in Gallaecia (ancient Galicia), with many of the earliest important Christian sites (Leon, Astorga, Lugo, Braga), there are signs of early Christianization even in rural areas. Indeed, the consultation of the Christians from Leon to St. Cyprian on whether apostate bishops, forced by the threat of martyrdom, could be reintegrated into their former churches, and their reply in the aforementioned letter 67, when it has not yet been established Authority of the bishop of Rome, proves the existence of important and well-organized Christian communities, presided over by a bishop, which seems to be a sign of an old Christian roots, which must have taken considerable time to establish themselves; And does not seem to be an isolated case, wich it is a clear indication of the contemporary and earlier existence of other Christian nuclei in the north-west of the Iberian Peninsula. The unanimous acceptance that Priscillianism took root in Galicia in the fourth century, even in the rural area, already implies the pre-existence of an old Christian settlement in Gallaecia, which seems to receive confirmation in the excavations of the subsoil of the compostelan Cathedral.

          Although until the middle of the third century there is no documentary evidence on Christianity in Spain, logical in a time when there is no documentation of anything and in which being a Christian is prohibited and is persecuted harshly, but there is evidence that it is already well established In the second century, so that its first beginnings had to be very much earlier, probably during the first century, according to the testimony of St. Paul. For this reason, no credibility should be omitted from the Jacobean Tradition, as historical science often does beforehand, without such an attitude being considered justified after a more profound and multidisciplinary study.

 

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