ING14- The C14 test.

          Completing the multidisciplinary analysis, it is time to try the evaluation of the Carbon-14 test. Although without exhaustive technical pretension, it is important to see what would be the situation of a possible radio-carbonic examination of the Compostelan necropolis.

          Carbon-14 dating is a radiometric method based on the constant ratio in living organisms between carbon isotopes (C12 and C14). When the organism dies this relationship changes, due to the radioactive instability and decomposition of the C14 with a well-known time velocity, which allows to calculate the time spent since the body’s death from the difference between the ratio C-12 / C-14.

          It is considered an absolute physicochemical method of dating, so it is generally believed that the C14 will accurately give us the age of an ancient bone as a thermometer would give us its temperature, and it is seen in this scientific option a safe solution to The Jacobean question. The reality is far from being so simple. For a very specific and well-defined sample it can be, in effect, simple and safe, but the archaeological survey of the remains of Compostelanos is not only the study of some concrete remains, but those of a necropolis of several centuries of evolution. Your complete study would require to be combined with DNA determination. The C14 and DNA tests are different techniques that provide very different data. The independent use of C14 is characteristic of very old, prior, and even ancient human representations on Earth, which are approximations of millions of years, where an error of a few centuries is insignificant. In expert  of human remains is especially valid for remains with dates up to 45/50 thousand years. Nowadays there are laboratories that apply the particle accelerator (AMS) spectrometry, obtaining reliable data of up to 80 thousand years, at which time the margins of error are still very wide.              

          But in archaeological surveys of human remains, especially in ancient and multicultural necropolis, the combination of C14 and DNA becomes necessary. The object of the DNA here is to identify which fragments with the same C14, belong to the same individual, allowing a count. If the formation of the necropolis is several centuries and includes the succession of several cultures, as is the case of the Compostelan necropolis, the combination of C14 and DNA is essential to obtain results that can have a systematizable interpretive value. It would be necessary to apply the two tests to a wide sampling of the fragments of the urn, practically to all, that by having spent more time outside the urn than within she, and suffering displacement, fragmentation, mixing and contamination, it would be necessary to extend the sampling not only to the entire edicule, but also to the subsoil of the cathedral environment.

          In these cases the C14 can guide the start and end dates of burials, which can also be estimated reliably by common archaeological criteria (stratigraphy), but the identification of whether or not remains are compatible with those of a specific well-known person of History would have little or no value. Its realization would require the scraping of a small amount of matter in each analyzable fragment, and in the course of twenty centuries it has undergone displacements, fragmentations and mixtures or contaminations, thousands of bone fragments from mixed and superposed tombs, Which would require a very high sampling of double determinations, to detect the chronology, to assess the count and estimate the degree of mixing and general pollution that allows to make rigorous conclusions and that would entail an extraordinary and complex deployment of archaeological re-excavation and Security measures and control of the entire cathedral subsoil. The study, in addition to a halting of temple activity, required such a large amount of resources and a high cost that its funding would only be advisable to address if it provided us with necessary and relevant information, Feasible to achieve, and offer a precise scientific benefit. The indication of such a study could only be based on the need to find out something essential together with a full guarantee of resolution, and neither of the two basic premises are given here. The possibilities of giving a very open chronological interval, several centuries, between the oldest and the least ancient remains of the whole, are so high that would invalidate its intended effectiveness. Confirm a contemporaneous antiquity to the times of Christ, is more a desire than a guarantee achievable by science and, since it is not possible to register identities, the chances that the test would be resolute are meager.

          Also the remains may be subjected to scanner, magnetic resonance, computerized axial tomography, ultrasound or bone scintigraphy, tests of very high scientific value, but also have no indication here by the same criterion. It could also be analyzed the necropolis that guard the apostolic remains of San Pedro and San Pablo, or of some Saints whose identity is questioned, and to historical, political, military, emperors, etc., can always find an important historical criterion Which may justify the alleged timing of those determinations.

          It is easy to question yesterday’s results with today’s technology, but as much or more questionable is to think that the C14 has the key to the unknown, and there are no guarantees to precisely resolve such selective dating to such an open sample, and the Professionals are those who dismiss the need and resolving ability of this test. There will be those who suggest that the test be done only to the remains that are guarded today in the urn, and only C14, but this is an insufficient criterion for the experts themselves, because the remains have been a century in the ballot box and many Centuries outside it, which demands to study the whole environment with double analytical determination. The possibilities of obtaining ineffective results are so high that the experts consider the study as “not decisive and not determinant”, so they dismiss the technical indication of the same, which they value as “not advisable, and not decisive”, as well as inefficient For its very high costs. Especially the chances of being able to rejet Santiago or Prisciliano by criteria of chronological compatibility would be useless, and with very high probability that it was positive for both.

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ING13- Anti-Jacobean Theories

          Another way of analyzing the Jacobean Tradition is to see what the hypotheses of the detractors say. The existence of an explanation of the origin of the Jacobean phenomenon of unquestionable certainty would be very clarifying, but we will see how none of the proposed theories, other than the Jacobean Tradition itself, offers something resolute, and in all cases are proposals that have been proven wrong.

          Some objections to the “Traditio” were analyzed, such as the Christianisation of pagan precedents, or the fruit of military and ecclesiastical opportunism, or lack of time for the journey, or the impossibility of transferring the mortal remains of the apostle. Of the various hypotheses hitherto valued, none offers a plea that contradicts or invalidates the Tradition in its basic aspects: the evangelizing work of James the Greater in Hispania, and the presence of his burial in Compostela. In this section we will analyze the theories that most properly deserve the term anti-jacobeas, since they deny the presence of Santiago in Hispania and make a proposal of how the phenomenon of the Jacobean cult could be started.

          Three are the ones that deserve the interest of this analysis: the hypothesis of the Silence, the hypothesis Emeritense, and the hypothesis Priscilianista. The three, designed or supported by eminent ecclesiastical men, testify that the Church never modeled a Jacobean phenomenon to its measure. The third, despite its archaeological invalidity, has aroused the greatest sympathy.

          THE HYPOTHESIS OF SILENCE, outlined by German priests Ignaz Schuster and Johann Baptist Holzammer in his Handbuch zur Biblische Geschichte (two volumes, 1862-64), whose 8th edition was translated into Spanish in 1934 as Biblical History. The hypothesis is developed with apodictic value by Monsignor Louis Duchesne in his article of 1900 Saint Jacques in Galice, as a reply to the Papal Bull Deus Omnipotens of Leo XIII. In short, he proposes that if Santiago had preached in Hispania, it would be impossible the silence the Hispanic authors of antiquity. The argument generated a great impact in the field of History, because it is undoubted that the lack of documented news in the Roman-Christian sources and Hispanic Visigoths around the coming and preaching of Santiago conditions the historian, given to found the historical facts in documentals sources, so that a void so relevant seems to suggest its historical inexistence.

          But the lack of documents is a constant problem in the study of the past of humanity, and the silence of Hispanic sources about many other historical facts and figures is as much or more incomprehensible. Why is this negative criterion applied here, and with argument value? Accepting that it is a striking fact can not be accepted as a demonstrative argument. The historical reasons for the rupture of continuity between the Apostle’s preaching and later Hispanic Christianity were already seen, which explains the silence of the Hispanic sources of Late Antiquity and the Visigothic Patristic. To give value to the argument of silence would imply, for the same reason, that none of the “Twelve” preached in any of the places in the known world where their respective legendary traditions place them, because equally no documentary certainty exists about it. Neither the preaching of the apostles nor the history of the martyrs are documented, they were largely destroyed. Eusebius of Caesarea attests that the writings that Christians used in their rites were requisitioned and burned. During its persecution, was introduced the policy of obtaining by means of torment, apostates more than martyrs, and was ordered in diverse edicts, the destruction of churches and sacred books. There were traders, who for fear of being prosecuted handed over the sacred books and writings. Whole Christian files disappeared. It was intended, according to Eusebius, not to record the martyrs to prevent their faith and tradition from spreading. There was, therefore, a mass destruction of documents and the Church lost the reports of the history of its martyrs and its origins. Eusebius of Caesarea tells us how he himself witnessed the public burning of books. Only a solid oral tradition allowed the transmission of the facts, although in rewriting they were adorned with exuberant rhetoric and pious exaggerations.

          Giving argumentative value to silence is tantamount to saying that what was not written did not happen, which is inconsistent when more than three quarters of the old books have been lost and many documents are false, so it is a negative valuation Without probative value, since neither silence shows emptiness, nor does the document guarantee historicity.

          From a wider geographic range we can not speak of silence. Non-Hispanic authors of the fourth and fifth centuries, such as Didymus of Alexandria called the Blind (313-398), St. Jerome (342-420), Theodoret of Cyrus (393-466), speaking of the places evangelized by the apostles in the Century I, expressly mention Hispania and the lands of the West. Although they do not specify the name of the apostle, these quotations that expressly include the lands of Hispania in the plan of evangelization should not be omitted.

          The reference of Didymus the blind says: “… quad alteri quidem apostolorum in India degenti, alteri vero in Hispania, alteri autem ab ipso in alia regione usque ad extremitate terrae distributo”: One of the apostles received in reparto India, another Spain, And even another plus a region to the extremity of the Earth “. (De Trinitate, Book II, p. 39, col. 487 § 136)

          St. Jerome brings two significant references in his commentary to Isaiah: “… The Holy Spirit gathered them together and assigned them the place which had each fallen in the lot. One went to India, another to Spain, another to Illirico, another to Greece, so that everyone would rest in the province where he had preached the gospel and doctrine. (Commentary to Isaiah, L. XII, verses 16 and 17, chapter 34). “It is those apostles who, mending their nets by the shore of the lake of Gennesaret, were called by Jesus and sent into the immense sea, converting them in fishers of men; those who began from Jerusalem, preached the gospel to the Illirico and Spain, bringing their doctrine in a short time to Rome itself. (Commentary to Isaiah, L. IV, verse 10, chapter 42).

          Theodoret of Cyrus speaks of the mission of an apostle in Spain (De Martyribus, Sermo VIII, PG 83, 1010).

          When in 416 Pope Innocent I defends the liturgical uses of the Roman Church, against the currents of Eastern origin, it demands that it be said that in those places that follow them, if some other Apostle who has them taught, and that in his Defect must follow the ways of the Roman Church. Rather than rejecting local apostolic traditions, it seeks to consolidate the primacy of the Roman See and to unify liturgical uses throughout the West in times of great imperial instability. The implicit recognition of non-Roman liturgical uses and other oral traditions is already giving credence to the tradition of the evangelization of the West by other non-Roman apostles, which legitimates Paul’s exclusion and opens up options for Santiago as an evangelizer in the western Mediterranean basin. This opened a certain controversy that closed Hesychius, bishop of Salona (Dalmatia), who in 419 maintains that the preaching was done “to the end of the earth”, in Hispania, by one of the twelve apostles in person, and collecting the inheritance Of Saint Jerome recognizes that this Apostle could not be other than Santiago. A legendary life of San Clemente will attribute to Hesychius to have textually said that Santiago the Major was sent by San Pedro to Spain.

          An ancient Hispanic tradition that establishes a bond between Santiago and his preaching in the Iberian peninsula is the chronicle of Bishop Maximus of Saragossa, who in 571 notifies the existence of a Marian temple built by Santiago. The evocation must be due to a remodeling of the previous building, proving an old oral tradition very rooted and well known between the people and the clergy by oral tradition that Maximo finished giving written form and that seems that it precedes the martyrdom of San Vicente († 303) during the Roman persecutions under the pontificate of St. Valero, in keeping with the letter of St. Cyprian of Carthage (254) in which he quotes Felix of Saragossa as “propagator and defender of the faith”.

          In the sixth and seventh centuries various catalogs on the life and work of prophets and apostles circulate, seven are Greek and other Eastern versions: Syrians, Copts, Byzantines, etc. The Latin version of these catalogs or Breviarium Apostolorum, work of the second half of the sixth century, unlike others, places Santiago in Spain and regions of the West instead of Jerusalem. It is not a “handling” in benefit of the Jacobean Tradition, as has been suggested, since Baudouin de Gaiffier believes that the Latin version is inspired by earlier Eastern and Western texts that alsoIs Isidoro inspired; Among them the texts of Didymus, Jerome, and Theodoret, as well as St. Hilary of Poitiers (310-368), St. Ephrem of Syria (306-373) and the historian Eusebius of Caesarea († 339), and even the epistle To the Romans of Paul and the letter of Pope Clement to the Corinthians (late 13th century). Its early date of compilation, the variety of its sources and the presumption of impartiality derived from its extra-Pyrenean origin, make of the Breviarum a valuable element of promotion of the Jacobean Tradition and of the universalization of its cult, more than two centuries before the Discovery of the tomb in Compostela.

          Isidoro of Seville (556-636), knows the Breviarium and the works that nourish him, and it is reflected in his writing of chapter 80 of De ortu et obitu patrum referring to Santiago el Mayor, written before 612, constituting the first testimony Known Spaniard who attributes to the Apostle James the Peninsula as his evangelizing destiny: “Preached the Gospel in Hispania and Western regions”, in which the evangelizing work is intuited as a global company of all Hispania, surely also know of the chronicle of Maximus of Saragossa . Contrary to what some authors propose, César Chaparro Gómez in his last revision, he discards that it is apocryphal and that is interpolated, but the news is of Isidorian paternity. According to Gaiffier, De Ortu and Breviarium draws on older sources. They could be the Pseudo-Epiphany and the chronicle of Maximus of Saragossa. This invalidates the hypothesis that the Breviarium is the sole starting point of the whole tradition of Santiago in the West.

          It is said of Archbishop Julian of Toledo (642-690) that contradicts the Breviarium and the De ortu et obitum in denying the apostolate of Santiago in Hispania in De comprobatione aetatis sextae of 686, but in this apologetic work against Judaism, which does not recognize The coming of the Messiah to the sixth millennium since creation, Julian argues that the computation is not in millennia but in biblical ages according to Isidore: the 1st from Adam to Noah, the 2nd from Noah to Abraham, the 3rd from this to David , The 4th until the captivity of Babylon, the 5th until the coming of Christ, the 6th from Christ to the present day. The world is thus in the Sixth Age, legitimating Christ as the announced Messiah. The text quotes different Biblical allusions announcing the coming of the Messiah and the phrase that quotes the apostle does not allude to the territory of Santiago, but argues that all the preaching had been fulfilled in Christ. In speaking after the apostolic distribution he says: “… James illustrates Jerusalem, Thomas India and Matthew Macedonia,” but without distinction between the two James, and it was already known that who remained in Jerusalem was James the Less. Julián de Toledo continues the Isidorean legacy, and does not contradict the preaching of Santiago in Hispania nor the Isidorian apostolic distribution, as it appears in the Mozarabic liturgy, approved at the end of the sixth century, but revised in time by different authors such as San Leandro , San Isidoro, San Ildefonso and, above all, San Julián, remained unchanged until the eleventh century. So, although some deny it, the Jacobean Tradition also underlies the Visigothic patristic, which differentiates a Santiago in Hispania and a Santiago in Jerusalem.

          Other Western sources, contemporary with St. Julian, spread the Jacobean preaching in the Iberian peninsula, such as that of the Anglo-Saxon abbot Aldhelmo de Malmesbury (639-709), author of the poem of Aris, work of the late seventh or early eighth century, versifying The apostolic mission of Santiago in Hispania: “Primitus Hispanas convertit dogmate gentes” (He was the first to convert the truth to the people of Spain). The expert Manuel C. Diaz and Diaz detected common signs between Aldhelmo and Liber Sancti Jacobi that reveal common eastern sources that also nourished the Breviarium.

          The English monk Bede Venerable (672-735), also knower of the Breviarium and other contemporary catalogs, and reviewing the contradictions between them, consults previous sources and maintains the evangelization of Hispania by James the Greater in his texts. The most valuable of this author is that he is the first to write, a century before the discovery of the tomb, that the burial is in Hispania, with clear references to place it in Galicia. His martyrology says: “The sacred mortal remains of this blessed were transferred to Hispania and hidden in their last limits facing the British Sea”, where the British Sea or Sea of the West, is the one that bathes the coasts of Briton, today San Martin de Mondoñedo. The news is reiterated in the martyrologies of Floro de Lyon (830-840) and Adon de Vienne (860).

          The Christian flight to Asturias by the Muslim domination will facilitate the diffusion of the preaching of Santiago in Spain in the nascent kingdom of Asturias. The great manager will be the monk Beato de Liébana († 798), great heir of the Isidorian work, from which he takes the tradition of the jacobea evangelization in Hispania, half a century before the discovery of the compostela sepulcher, placing in Spain the location of the tomb. His sources are Isidoro’s De ortu et obitum patrum, the Breviarium Apostolorum, the Martyrology of Bede, the Jeronimian work, and a long relationship of the patristics he portrays in his quotations. In the hymn O Dei Verbum, written in 785 during the reign of Mauregato, he reactivates the cult of Santiago and elevates him to the rank of Patron and Protector: “O most worthy and most holy Apostle, the effulgent and golden head of Spain, powerful defender and patron Very special … Pious attend to the flock that has been entrusted to you, be sweet shepherd to the king and to the clergy, and to the people. ” The great prestige and influence that reaches his work, constitutes a certificate of the Jacobean Tradition, which will spread through the copies throughout Europe are made of his Remarks to the Apocalypse, which in honor of its origin we call Beatus.

          This succession of authors, testimonies and texts, rather than an accusing void or silence, tells us rather that we are before the knowledge of a tradition that is transmitted, also among Hispanic authors, with vacios certainly important as it is a obscured tradition like so many other facts and ancient and medieval personages, by many historical factors (Apostolic anonymity, Christian persecutions, jacobean clandestinity), documentaries (confusion of the Santiago, loss of texts and documents), and sociological (depopulation, diseases, famines). In the case of the Jacobean Tradition, the argument of silence relies too much on rejecting many references as false, tardy, useless, rhetorical, doctrinal, generic, opportunistic, interpolated, or echoes reiterative, dismissing clues and vestiges, amplifying a supposed silence as if All would have been the fruit of a falsifying plot over centuries, or simply the result of an error. If so, History and Archeology would have detected it, but on the contrary, both the historical evidence and the archaeological findings are not at all oriented towards proposals installed in the void or silence, which today lacks argumentative force, although some authors still do not seem to want to see it.

          HYPOTHESIS EMERITENSE. In the face of some extravagant and speculative hypotheses of the Jacobean question, the medievalist and Benedictine Friar Justo Pérez de Urbel seeks to give an objective basis to the cult of Compostela and designs a theory that explains the Jacobean Tradition as the pseudo-transfer of a relic of Mérida in the exodus Christian to the Muslim invasion. In 1948, the inscription of the commemorative plaque of the Church of Santa María de Mérida (first half of the 7th century) was published, which reads that under the altar of the temple some relics are kept and among them the one of Sci. Iacobi, (Perhaps a simple brandeum), without particular prestige within the lot. In fact it occupies last place of the list and its name requires a diminution of the letter because no longer it fits in the inscription.

          From this inscription, Pérez de Urbel denounces the supposed coincidence of two churches in Santa María with an identical relation of relics, the one of Merida of the 7th century and another in Compostela in the 9th century. He deduces that they are the same relics, which explains through a flight of Christians to Galicia before the conquest of Mérida by the Mohammedans, carrying out a transfer of the relics from the diocese of Mérida to the one of Iria-Compostela, lowering the Guadiana and ascending the western coast of the peninsula in 6 days, whose memory reinterpreted underlies in the legend of Jacobean Translation. It argues that while the educated Visigothic Spain ignores the evangelization of Santiago and the Christians of the kingdom of Asturias welcome the news of the Spanish preaching of the Apostle, the emigrant community in Compostela builds a continuation temple of Mérida in the cult of its lot of relics, Among them the sancti Iacobi. The Jacobean boom will monopolize the cult after the diffusing work of Beato de Liébana that makes Santiago a patron and protector with the acquiescence of the Asturian monarch. The news of the presence in Galicia of a relic of Santiago, which popular enthusiasm exalts and magnifies, arising the pilgrimage and the need to explain the transfer with fabulous stories from the translation of a small batch of relics gathered in an altar, since Merida.

           Pérez de Urbel is not really a Jacobean detractor, but between detractors and defenders he adopts an intermediate position, legitimizing the Jacobean cult and censoring the extravagant approaches. But his hypothesis introduces a proposition that denies the legitimate choices of verisimilitude of the original Tradition. His proposal is ingenious, to the point that the first academic evaluations were favorable. After his first appearance in the magazine Hispania Sacra (1952), he promoted his thesis in the media and also shows him in other related articles, and ends up giving it a scientific value. But after the first acceptances, soon the objections arise and the arguments that make it clearly unfeasible. In spite of this, Don Justo, poorly advised, disregards reasons and elevates his essay to the category of historical theory and exposes it in Volume VI of Menendez Pidal’s Historia de España, where he appears categorically, without the pertinent analysis of the State of the matter, without indicating that it is a new hypothesis or attending to the many serious objections generated. His immodest position can only be understood from the interest of a suggestive editorial commitment with a select work in which the most prestigious historians collaborate.

          An author not suspected of “Jacobism” as Claudio Sánchez Albornoz detected insurmountable difficulties that invalidate the theory. Being documented the initial flight to Galicia some people of Mérida before the Muslim advance, it is even more that the majority decided to stay and defend its walled city that resisted almost a year; And it is even clearer the permanence of canons and clerics who, by accepting Islamic rule and paying the corresponding tribute, ensured the respect and protection of the rulers whose ethical rule was to respect the monks, their monasteries, and their relics. Those who fled did so by land and to the north, by unoccupied territories to take refuge, never to the south, and in no case by river and sea, not only by the high improbability of having ships suitable for that crossing, but Because it descended to territories in the power of the invader that would cut hostile the withdrawal. To what part of Galicia did they flee ?, because then the limits of Galicia are still wide and imprecise, and lands of Leon, Castile, Portugal, Zamora, etc., are still identified in many contemporary chronicles as lands of Galicia. Some dioceses from the north of Lusitano are included, but Iria-Compostela only includes the migrations of the dioceses of Tuy and Lamego. Outside of this there is no other news of a migration to Iria from Mérida, that would have better access to Asturias by the Way of the Silver. To make matters worse, the Church of Santa María de la Corticela in which Pérez de Urbel locates the new destination of the emeritenses relics, was built in time after the Jacobean temple, which from the beginning recognizes the sepulchral cult to a complete tomb, in So that the transformation of one cult into another from a small relic is an impossibility. The martyrologies of the eighth century (Bede the Venerable) and IX (Floro of Lyons and Adon of Vienne) always spoke of a sepulchral veneration to a holy body, not a single relic, that would never have moved Theodomiro to transfer his thirst of Iria to Compostela, nor decide there his burial, nor would have led the Asturian kings to convert Compostela into a religious center of his kingdom, above the Holy Chamber of San Salvador de Oviedo.

          Portela Pazos presents the most solid objections: that the relic would not be of Santiago the Major, but the Minor, and that of the 63 Compostela relics only 7 coincided with those of Mérida, relics habitual in temples and monasteries, whose most probable origin was the Great reserve of Oviedo. But most important was the absence in Compostela of the three relics considered rare and unique in Spain, only kept in Merida. That is to say, the equivalence between the emeritenses relics and Compostela is false.

          The hypothesis elevated to theory also omits all mention of the archaeological findings that the author knew, discoveries that discover the existence of the Roman imperial period and the presence on its ruins of a paleo-Christian necropolis at the foot of a Roman tomb of Importance, indicator that a great personality was venerated there many centuries before the Muslim invasion and the emeritense gravestone.

          If the restricted escape had to be terrestrial, if the monks and clerics did not emigrate, if there is no indication that the migration would go to present-day Galicia and even less to Iria, if there is no concordance between the relics of Merida and of Compostela, if the relic Was not of Santiago the Major but the Minor, and if you omit the archaeological arguments that accredit a sepulchral cult very previous to the emeritense lapida, the hypothesis of Pérez de Úrbel stays in a pleasing and attractive castle of cards, apparent but without content nor any function.

          What is most regrettable of the matter is that despite its falsity, after its first appearance in 1956, it continues to be exhibited in the successive editions of Menéndez Pidal’s History of Spain, raised with the rotundity of one who exposes a conclusive historical reality, without clarify that It was a new, improvised, experimental hypothesis, without proven research, filled free assumptions and flagrant omissions, omitting the objections raised, inducing the reader to take for granted what is false. And everything installed more in the editorial anquilosamiento than in the historical rigor, in the enquistamiento of an obfuscation that in the scientific dialectic. But if the precipitation in the prestigious History of Menendez Pidal was bad, it is even worse that a text of historical science does not change its errors. Past editions, present and, if no one corrects it, future editions of Menéndez Pidal’s prestigious History of Spain will continue to show the fraudulent hypothesis of Perez de Urbel as a fresh out of the oven, deceiving the reader and perpetuating an error. In other sciences this is unacceptable. History, on the other hand, allows this luxury.

          Finally the PRISCILIANIST HYPOTHESIS. Insinuated by the mentioned Monsignor Louis Duchesne and developed later by many other authors, it proposes that the occupant of the compostelan sepulcher is not Santiago but Prisciliano. This Hispanic ascetic of the fourth century adheres to a critical movement towards a well-to-do church, their attitude condemned as heresy in Council I of Toledo (397-400) with excommunication, at a time when the Church lacked the death penalty or secular arm. The situation unleashes an epic escalation of struggle for power and ecclesiastical influence that unexpectedly ends in reply to the emperor, before whom in addition to heresy, is accused of attacking customs and practicing magic and sorcery, domains that belonged to secular justice and punished with death penalty. Priscillian had to respond unexpectedly to crimes of common law by the prefect of the praetorium, who condemns him to decapitation along with some of his companions, along with the confiscation of goods for the benefit of the emperor. His death unleashes the posthumous following, which is particularly rooted in Galicia, under the Sueva tolerance. The hypothesis of being the remains of the compostela tomb is only posed as a possibility in the form of suspicion, based on certain coincidences: the two were beheaded and of the two we talk about their transfer to Hispania. Given the legendary halo of the Jacobean transfer in the face of the certainty of the priscillianist transfer in the chronicle of Sulpicio Severo, it seems legitimate to think that the transfer was that of Prisciliano and that the muted memory of it should be confused with that of the one, and the option is surrounded Of a verisimilitude plot of departure, which make it very attractive and novel.

          The subject has been treated with a great attachment and very little rigor, and in no case are there any rigorous indications of certainty that will be solved by Priscillian who is in Compostela, and from mere vagueness interests are immediately aroused in highlighting their Galleguity, although there is nothing to say that Prisciliano was a Galician (even less of Iria, some consider him Portuguese, Betic or North African), and although the concept of “Galician” did not exist in the fourth century, neither as a language, nor as a culture, nor ss a unit of feeling of a people. Prisciliano was a executed hispano-roman, surely of abusive and undeserved way, whose memory and legacy deserve historical rehabilitation; but not from a nationalist perspective. From a Priscillian resurrected by the jacobean controversial, it is claimed as the genuine spirit of the Galician soul. Nationalism sometimes clouds the most illustrious minds. The great authors of the “Galician Rexurdimento” or the “Xeración Nós”, in their romantic vision of Galicia considered Prisciliano “prototype of Celtic pantheon, far from all heterodoxy”, and wanted to see in him the resurgence of Druidism of the ancient Celts. From the distorted vision of identifying the Celtic with the Galician, one arrives to propose as an exclusive alternative of the jacobea tradition, and the occupant of the compostela tomb happens to be Prisciliano and not the Apostle Santiago, denying to Santiago what is given to Prisciliano, Without foundation for one thing or another. It does not matter if there are other places with better options to locate the grave of Prisciliano that should be investigated better; Is not very interested in his ideological and intellectual legacy, what interests is to cross the similarities between two figures and to emphasize that one is the forget and the reinterpretation of the other. In some authors, there is a greater interest in deprecating the Jacobean Tradition than in objectively studying the historical value of Priscilian, and it seems that it is more profitable to undermine the Jacobean Tradition than to recover the image of Priscilian.

          The mistake is to establish, at the outset, a mutual exclusion between Santiago and Prisciliano, as incompatible protagonists of the same phenomenon of which one of the two must necessarily be discarded. Priscillianus, for whom he proposes other possible locations of his tomb with greater verisimilitude than the compostelana, surely deserves historical rehabilitation, but not at the expense of Santiago, and the rooting of Priscillianism in the Roman Gallaecia is even indicative of a primitive Galician Christianity that Prisciliano proposes to recover.

          Prisciliano and Santiago are not mutually exclusive but compatible, as the Ferrolan Xosé Leira Domínguez believes in his work “Xacobe e Prisciliano”, in which he proposes that both figures deserve the same intellectual treatment without discriminatory interference. But there are more solid criteria that solve the case: the long unaltered “Archaeological Silence”, which guarantees the preservation of the contents of the mortuary chamber of the edicule, from its inhumation between the second half of the second century and its discovery in the ninth century, with The peculiarity that inside the edicule, after the relocation of the tombs, was sealed by an ornamental mosaic of the second century that existed, therefore, long before the death of Prisciliano. The date of the mosaic, together with the arqueological evolution of the edicule, its martyrs fenestelle, the inscription Atanasio Martir, the Ara de San Paio, and the dynamic, integral and multidisciplinary evaluation of the whole, attest to a cult long before Priscillian. A burial in the fourth or fifth century would have been detected by archeology and the Priscillianist hypothesis would have its verisimilitude. But the conclusion is that it is impossible for Prisciliano to be buried in Compostela.

          The Priscillianist hypothesis, contradictorily, arouses interest and continues to receive credit from writers and novelists, whether for editorial interests, nationalist passion, technical ignorance, anticlericalism, esoterism, sensationalism, fiction or morbidness, that there is everything, is a subject that is recycled as a controversial literary product. Not infrequent is their lack of rigorous treatment in the media (radio and TV), which in the context of programs of esoteric sensationalism, sell supposed assumptions as if they were New Age truths. This lamentable and almost voluntary error, I believe, is maintained above all by the fact that the identity of the Jacobean tomb remains questionable, but not because it is legitimate to place Prisciliano in Compostela.

          Archaeological proofs, which are obligatory studies in a Roman tomb, clearly discard Priscillian’s options in Compostela, but do not deny its historical reality, its legacy, or the need for its rehabilitation in the memory of history, nor the existence of a place of burial, in some other place, perhaps also in Galicia.

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21- La Reina Lupa y el enterramiento del Apóstol Santiago

          La Reina Lupa es una relevante figura en la Leyenda Jacobea, ligada con la llegada del cuerpo del apóstol Santiago a Galicia y su asentamiento en la futura Compostela.

          En Hispania antigua y particularmente en Galicia el término loba (lupa) aplicado a un ser humano se asumía como mujer de fuerte temperamento y voluntad, que se impone al hombre en su actividad y en especial en labores de autoridad y gobierno, mirando con celo protector el destino de los suyos.

          Según cita alguna crónica antigua, una poderosa mujer ostentaba la autoridad territorial de las tierras de Amaiae finibus, un valle que se extendía entre los ríos Sar y Sarela, que ya se concebía como el Fisterrae del Noroeste Hispano, por cuanto más allá de sus costas no existía otras tierras conocidas, allí terminaba el mundo conocido. Hasta allí es donde dedbía llegar el apóstol, en su propósito de llevar la buena nueva evangélica a los pueblos remotos, acaso movido por las palabras de su propio maestro:  “… seréis testigos de mi en Jerusalén, en toda Judea y Samaria, y hasta el fin de la tierra”.

          Relata la leyenda jacobea que, tras el ajusticiamiento de Santiago en Jerusalén en el año 44, sus discípulos tomaron su cadáver y, buscando un lugar lejano y adecuado para dar noble sepultura a uno de los apóstoles más destacados de Cristo, llegaron navegando hasta allí trasladando el cuerpo de su ajusticiado maestro, atravesando el Mare Nostrum romano tras un largo y clandestino viaje, huyendo de las represalias del mundo romano y judío de los que había sido víctima. En aquellos contornos había volcado sus esfuerzos evangelizadores, por lo que confiaban en encontrar en aquel territorio un lugar adecuado para su descanso eterno, donde organizar un modesto culto, allí donde ejerció su labor predicadora.  Tras desembarcar en las inmediaciones de Iria Flavia, se presentaron a la autoridad local, allegándose hasta el Castro Lupario, un lugar fuertemente fortificado y regido por una noble hispano-romana que la leyenda identifica como la Reina Lupa, buscando sintetizar de modo eficaz su autoridad reconocida y su entrega. Algunas fuentes sitúan precisamente su residencia habitual en un castro existente en el lugar de Francos, cerca de Faramello, situada a medio camino entre Iria y Santiago, y denominado “Castro Lupario”. Otros autores conciben que este término se refería a la propia Iria Flavia, actualmente Padrón.

          Algunas citas permiten concebir que Lupa fue un personaje real, envuelto en un relato legendario y magnificador, acorde con la tendencia de la época de sacralizar los relatos como modo de investirlos de un valor extraordinario y sobrenatural, escondiendo detrás un núcleo de realidad que termina por hacerse irreconocible, de modo que ni el nombre original nos llega con claridad sino transformado. Lupa o Luparia pudo tener vinculación con la nobleza del lugar, e incluso algunos hablan de relación consanguínea directa con altas autoridades de Roma Imperial, llegando a cargos de responsabilidad en su territorio durante el siglo I.

         Ante la petición de los discípulos, Lupa, adornado en algunas citas de ciertas intenciones malvadas, opta por enviarlos a Duyo, donde residía la autoridad romana a la que ella estaba sometida. En otras citas lo envía al sacerdote del Ara Solis. El legado romano o el sacerdote mayor, según versiones, ordenó encarcelar a los enviados, y cuenta la leyenda que fueron milagrosamente liberados y protegidos de la persecución al cruzar el río Tambre por el hundimiento del puente de Ons o puente de Pías.

          Se presentaron nuevamente a Lupa y le pidieron una carreta y bueyes para el traslado del cuerpo santo, y fueron enviados al monte Ilicinio a recoger, como bueyes, a unos toros bravos, que milagrosamente se amansaron con la señal de la cruz y trasladaron el cuerpo del apóstol hasta un lugar en el que se detuvieron por la presencia de un manantial, hoy la Fuente del Franco, donde se levantó una pequeña capilla  (hoy en la rúa Franco de Compostela). Ante esto hechos Lupa se convierte al cristianismo y pide bautizarse. Cerca encontraron el Arcis Marmóricis en el bosque Libredón, un mausoleo familiar propiedad de Lupa, donde descansaba ya la nieta de Lupa y en el que concedió permiso para ser depositado el cuerpo del apóstol.

          Los extraordinarios y fantásticos acontecimientos vienen a ser validados en parte por la arqueología, pues la noble Atia Moeta, que puede muy bien tratarse de La mitificada Reina Lupa, mandó labrar una lápida sepulcral en memoria de Viria Moeta, fallecida a los 16 años de edad. La pieza se conserva en el monasterio de Antealtares y su inscripción pagana fue copiada y se expresa en estos términos (versión original y traducción de Isidoro Millán):

          No cabe por tanto ninguna duda que el panteón donde fue sepultado el apóstol Santiago el Mayor perteneció a una dama principal llamada Atia, muy posiblemente la Reina Lupa de la Leyenda, panteón en el que yacía sepultada su joven nieta Viria.

          Quizá permanezca desconocida la biografía de la Reina Lupa, por una identidad magnificada en unos relatos que se mezclan en el tiempo y en el espacio, pero nos queda un hecho objetivo incuestionable, el haber cedido el panteón para que aceptara el sepelio del apóstol Santiago, que luego llego a centralizar el culto del mausoleo y sobre el que se levantó la basílica de Santiago que diera nacimiento a la ciudad de Compostela y a la actual catedral, en cuyo subsuelo pueden encontrarse huellas arqueológicas que nos revelan datos perdidos de su pasado y de sus personajes.

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ING12.- Criteria for Integrity and continuity of the temple and the remains preserved in it.

          Within this dynamic process of analysis, we find a series of criteria, some already mentioned, but that can be extended with this perspective.

          ARA OF SAN PAIO. It is the pagan title or tombstone that contained the original dedication of the mausoleum in the frontispiece or entrance of the same, reconverted in Christian ara for the worship of three highly venerated men who centralized the occupation of the mausoleum between the second half of the first century and beginnings of the century II. With this new use he remained in the upper room of the sepulchral edifice as a surface for worship, and remained there until the construction of the Romanesque cathedral in which, according to the Concord of Antealtares of 1077 between Abbot Fagildo and Bishop Diego Peláez, The redistribution of the apostolic cult before the construction of the cathedral implied a cession of lands and functions of the monastery, which yielded in return for certain privileges, besides the ara in question, which from then on they preserved in memory of the cult that had had until that date to your care.

          At the moment a convent of cloistered nuns, it contains a museum of sacred art where the altar is exposed on its pillar as it was for centuries in the sepulchral edifice. The Ara had an original pagan inscription of which a copy is preserved and whose text may be connected with the legendary Queen Loupe of the Jacobean Tradition, who could accept the Apostle in the family mausoleum. The Text and the translation read as follows:

“D(is) M(anibus) S(acrum).
ATIA MOETA  T(estamento)
TETLUM  P(osuit) S(omno) A(eternali)

NEPTIS  PI(entisimae) AN(n)O(rum) XVI
ET  S(ibi) F(aciendum) C (uravit).

Consecrated to the Manes Gods

Atia Moeta, by testamentary disposition

She did this epitaph to eternal sleep

From Viria Moeta

His great granddaughter, 16 years old

And provided for his own burial.

          SEPULCRAL MOSAIC. The archaeological stratigraphy applied to the enclosure of the Roman tomb edifice allows the recognition of a mosaic on a first floor of the edicule, removed and replaced by a second mosaic on a second floor. These are movements of internal ornamentation of the edictus, already Christianized, to extol the worship. This study recognizes the existence of an inalterable period of Archaeological Silence between the second half of the second century and the 9th century when Teodomiro discovered it, a period that guarantees the preservation of the sepulcral chamber and its contents. That is to say, what Teodomiro discovers was buried before the end of the second century, probably during the second half of the first century, and throughout the period of time up to the 9th century no other burial was carried out in the edicule, a fact relevant to considerations Later.

          TOMB  AND TOMBSTONE OF TEODOMIRO. As has already been mentioned, the discovery of Bishop Teodomiro’s burial, and particularly his laval or gravestone, testifies to the historical reality of the character and the importance of his Jacobean discovery. What Teodomiro discovered a few kilometers from its headquarters in Iria Flavia, had to be something for him of such relevance that made him move the de facto seat (not law) to the place where the tomb was found and that will generate the current Compostela.


It appeared inside a semi-enclosed enclosure half of the southern wall of the basilica of Alfonso III. It is a great stone of granite of 2.22 m. Long by 0.88 in head width and 0.72 in the feet, with rounded edges and decorated in its outline by a half cane. The inscription, as a singular fact, is engraved from head to toe. Also extraordinary is the cross that precedes it: it occupies the whole first field of the tombstone, it is processional and in the same way that the one that Alfonso II donated to San Salvador de Oviedo in the year 808 and the one that received the church of Santiago in the 874 of Alfonso III. The text reads:




XIII K(a)L(en)D(a)S  N(ovem)BR(I)s era DCCCLXXXVA


 In this tomb rests

The servant of God Theodomus

Bishop of Iria’s see, who died

In the thirteenth Kalendas of November of the era DCCCLXXXV


          Here we have Teodomiro, bishop of Iria, protagonist of the discovery of the Apostolic Sepulcher, of the construction of the first temple and of the beginning of the diffusion through Europe of the fame of this place, establishing itself as a focus of pilgrimage for Christianity as one of the most Saints of the world. This bishop keeps the secret of one of the most fascinating historical enigmas, as is the identification of the tomb of the Apostle Santiago, then accepted by all, in a place where no one could imagine it and that only exceptionally it was suggested that it was in Northwest Hispanic lands . The inscription brings to light the date unknown until then of his death: October 20, 847.

          The gravestone was removed from its original placement; The recess bordering its lower face shows that it belonged to a sarcophagus. She found herself lying on a layer of debris; But in its vertical and to 80 cm of depth was a pit covered by another granite stone that contains the bones of a man of very advanced age. The condition of ossuary – not first grave – and the intentional link between the grave and the gravestone indicate that the bones must be those of Teodomiro. That the ossuary and the tombstone are centered in an enclosure after Almanzor, evokes the request of who in that “storm” took care of preserving and collecting remains of the venerated, surely the restoring bishop Pedro de Mezonzo.

          MULTIPLE RELICATOR. The basilicas of Alfonso II (834) first, and Alfonso III (899) later, both arise with the purpose of containing the Roman edicule in its head, as will the cathedral itself. The works of the apse and the transept of the caredral began in 1070, but between the standstill of the works for some years and their resumption, the basilica of Alfonso III persists until 1112, when the Romanesque cathedral already covers a large section of the basilica, and then demolished, so that for more than 30 years we found a multiple architectural reliquary: one exterior conformed by the Romanesque cathedral of the twelfth century, another half that was the basilica astur of the 9th century, and a central one that was the roman sepulchral edicule of the first century. It is not a great demonstrative argument but a graphic criterion that admirably reflects the transmission in time of the knowledge of something that is guarded with great veneration.

          The destruction of Compostela by ALMANZOR is another key moment that questions the integrity of the edículo and its content. The Andalusí caudillo, regent of the caliph Hisham II, besides Barcelona (985), Coimbra (987), Leon and Zamora (988), destroyed Santiago de Compostela in 997. Then Galicia was long liberated from the Muslim domination, included in the Astur-Leonés Kingdom. It was the prestige of Santiago, valued as a Christian Mecca, which led Almanzor to lead an expedition against Compostela, although the detonant was King Bermudo II’s refusal to pay tribute to the caliphate. The expedition had as its destination Compostela since its departure from Cordoba on July 3, 997, called by the Arab chroniclers the expedition of Shant Yaquib, going cavalry and its provisions by land, while infantry, weapons, ammunition and war machines Made by boat to Oporto. The forces regrouped, joined by Spanish and Lusitanian Christian counts who recognized their authority, and who from their strictly military vision did not pay attention to criteria of pro-reconquistador religious patronage.

          After destroying Iria, they arrived at Compostela on August 10, finding an abandoned city of its inhabitants; The Muslims seized all their wealth and demolished the buildings, the walls, the basilica, and the churches and palaces. The Hispano-Muslim historian of Cordoba Ibn-Haygan wrote in the eleventh century that Santiago was as venerable as Mecca, and for a Muslim the burial of a saint is sacred. The Muslim historian Ibn Idari al-Marrakushi says that Almanzor put up a guard to enforce the tomb and the tomb edifice, preventing it from being profaned and receiving any damage, and the anonymous author of “Dikr bilad al-Andalus” And destroyed the temple, but did not touch the tomb. The coincidence between Arab and Christian chronicles in respect of the tomb is what gives historical value to the fact. Even some chronicle tells that Almanzor only found an old monk sitting next to the saint’s tomb. He asked, “Why are you there?” “To honor Santiago,” replied the monk, and the conqueror gave orders that they should leave him alone. Some Christian chronicle identifies the monk who spoke with Almanzor with San Pedro de Mezonzo, then prelate of Iria-Compostela, according to the account that Lopez Ferreiro recounts in his History of the S.A. Church of Santiago.

          From Santiago and after plundering the region, Almanzor retired to Cordova with a rich riot, taking to the shoulders of Christians captive the bells of the Basilica and the leaves of wood of the door of the city to make with them ornaments for the mosque of Cordova (They will be returned after the taking of Códoba in 1236 by Fernando III the Saint). On his return, he also destroys the sanctuary of San Millán de la Cogolla (which was also proclaimed its anti-Muslim intervention), devastating some counties and towns, and taking Burgos (1000). The protective role of Santiago is ruined. If everything had been a fictitious montage, Almanzor would have finished with him as he ended the city. But there was an impulse that raised again the Jacobean Basilica on which it was considered tomb of the Apostle that had been respected, by a conviction not generated by a fever of reconquista nor by a religious fanaticism. What the Andalusian leader respected was neither the presumed prestige of the warrior of Clavijo nor the protector of the patron saint of Hispanic Christianity, but the cult of the Apostle Santiago who was guarded there. Abu Bark, Muhammad’s father-in-law and successor, said to his men (seventh century): “In the Christian countries you will find in your path pious men who serve God in the churches and in the monasteries: do not bother them or destroy their temples” , In tune with the words of the prophet: “Leave them alone and what they have consecrated.” The presence of the monk in the tomb of Santiago must have refreshed this to Almanzor, who displayed guard of protection.

          The city of Santiago not only recovered its identity and structure, but also increased it, raising a basilica identical to that destroyed by Almanzor, and building soon afterwards the Romanesque cathedral that left the admiration of the Ceutian geographer Al Idrisi in his description of the temple of the The twelfth century and the pilgrimage paths that led to it.

          Another important historical episode on the integrity of the remains of the Jacobean sepulcher, is starred by Archbishop DIEGO GELMIREZ. Once finished the cathedral, Gelmírez intends to eliminate the sepulchral edicule and replace it with a canopy that would allow an open cult to the cathedral. It will only succeed after overcoming a solid resistance from the Cabildo, which opposes its demolition as an apostolic work. After getting it what it does is to section the edicule that protrudes in the middle of the presbytery, leaving only the underground part. The consequence of this work is that it loses access to the sepulchral environment and the contact with the remains. Before making it a reality, Gelmírez lends itself to making a last donation of a skeletal rest, granted to the bishop of Pistoia in 1138, relic that will later have a great importance in the rediscovery of the remains. But over time this loss of contact will generate doubts about the existence of the remains.

           The approach of these doubts will progress in the course of the centuries without too much influence in the questioning of the Jacobean credibility until the nineteenth century, which brings a succession of events that bring with it a certain loss of prestige of the Jacobean cult and pilgrimages to the tomb of the Apostle James who bring together the interest of nineteenth-century Christianity to the detriment of Compostela.

          It is time to analyze a surprising succession of events that generate the EXTRAVY AND REDESCUBRIMIENTO OF THE SEPULCHRAL REMAINS  OF SANTIAGO. In 1589 the expedition of Francis Drake (Sir and Admiral for some, villain and corsair for others), against La Coruña, poses a threat to Compostela who asked for help to Felipe II. The English troops desecrated the churches and advanced on Compostela with the declared intention to destroy it and to desecrate its relics, consider “main emporium of the papal superstition”. This risk together with the condemnation of Lutheranism to the worship of the relics, made him fear for the safety of the tomb, before which the archbishop Juan de Sanclemente decided to hide the relics, removing them from the crypt and putting them in a safe place, so that The remains guarded like the ones of Santiago and his disciples left their habitual place and they happened to a secret site, only known by few, which along with the architectural development of the cathedral its continuous additions and new styles, ends in a true “misplacement” . Years later, in the face of popular concern about the exact location, it is said that the relics are buried and well hidden, so that no one can reach them. Such is the zeal with which this secret was kept that the few who knew it disappeared without communicating it to others, so that for three centuries the location of the remains of the Apostle is again ignored. This surprising situation raises a haze with more unknowns than objective data, which makes Santiago a myth about the coming of the Apostle and the reality of his tomb.

          A similar phenomenon has already occurred with the remains of St. Francis of Assisi, who in 1230, only four years after his death, were transferred from the basilica of St. George, where they were deposited until the one dedicated to his name. The remains were buried so zealously in the new church, that its tomb will not be rediscovered until 1818, six centuries later. This finding, relevant to the Christianity of the time, was associated with other events of great doctrinal value, such as the proclamation of the dogma of the Immaculate Conception (1854), the apparition of the Virgin of Lourdes (1868), the canonization of Joan of Arc And his appointment as patroness of France (1870), relegate Compostela to an enigmatic situation in which the whole history of the city, all its binding power, all the immense attraction of its name and its virtues will be placed and discredited. Hypotheses arise that deny the possibility that Santiago preached in Spain and even more that their remains arrived in Galicia, and therefore that the tomb, if it existed, did not contain the remains of the Apostle, but perhaps those of another person whose background Would have been mistaken for some coincidences of the Jacobean Tradition. Thus arises, among others, the hypothesis that the remains that rest in Compostela are those of a Priscilian, a singular hypothesis that we will see in more detail later.

          This situation motivates that the cardinal Miguel Payá and Rico decide to initiate the excavations of the subsoil of the cathedral. With the excuse of making reforms but with the purpose of solving the growing doubts, it faces the EXCAVATIONS UNDER THE MAJOR ALTAR of the cathedral, which authorizes at the end of 1878, directed by Labín and López Ferreiro. After excavating in five places without result, it is excavated under the main altar and is the Roman edicule of granite ashlar, full of debris removed, but empty of relics. In keeping with the tradition of having been moved behind the altar, one then digs into the bottom of the apse, which was after 1532 sacristy of the cardinals, the medieval cobblestone, where a niche had been opened on the rock and covered With a slab, which when opened unveils an ossuary with three skeletons of great antiquity belonging to three men; Two of them about two-thirds of a half-life, and another that exceeded that limit, with evidence of a hurried transfer from the empty cell to this new place only a few meters away. No doubt what was sought in his day was to protect the remains and generate the impact that the tomb was empty of relics, in case it was intended to manipulate them. The concealment ordered by Bishop Juan de Sanclemente was, in his day, a double purpose in defense of the relics: on the one hand to protect them from the threat of the English attack, and on the other from the aspirations of Felipe II to transfer them to the Escorial, The sending by royal order of Ambrosio de Morales to lands of Galicia and Asturias to recognize the relics of Santos. It is understood the secrecy about the location. To this end even a legend was conveyed that, when attempting to enter the tomb, a living light blinded them, before what was exclaimed: let the Apostle defend himself and defend us! Although often overlooked by many pilgrims and visitors, the place can be seen from the staircase up to the dressing room of the Apostle for the emblematic rite of the embrace of the figure of the Apostle Santiago who presides over the High Altar. In that secret place, in its day sacristy of the cardinals, inaccessible to the public, that alternative niche was carved in the rock to hide the Jacobean remains, was covered with stone slabs and hid under the pavement, hiding place where the Remains for more than three centuries, until it was lost in memory.

          The remains were subjected to rigorous anthropological and chemical analysis by professors of the Faculty of Medicine of Santiago. It was identified that they belonged to three males of the antiquity, the presence of wax and reddish pigment characteristic of the Roman bricks of the original tomb was detected, which proved that with precipitation and nocturnal, the rest had been transferred from its habitual place To this alternative niche, in full harmony with the reported threat. These are findings that reveal that these were the remains that were buried in the first-century Roman edicule, which rushed to this alternative place for protection. So far the so-called “Compostela Process”, which concludes in the proposal that the remains rediscovered are those of the Apostle and his disciples, previously guarded in the Roman edictus.

          Cardinal Paya asked the Vatican that the “Compostela Process” be evaluated. The Pope appointed a special congregation of cardinals and prelates for the case, presided over by Cardinal Domingo Bartolini, acting as prosecutor, Monsignor Agostino Caprara, beginning a “Roman Process” of the case that reviews all the previous process, taking testimony to the experts, Examining the excavations and a new anatomical study of the remains. It is here that the cited RELIC OF PISTOIA that Diego Gelmírez had donated to San Aton in 1138 as it was well documented and that since its donation was guarded in that Italian town with great veneration. Cardinal Caprara commissioned a previous study of the relic of Pistoia that said that it was a tip of the mastoid process of the temporal bone of the skull, with a blood stain that explained that the detachment of said fragment was by decapitation. Most significant was that only one of the three skulls lacked the mastoid apophysis on the right side, and with a full concordance between the Pistocian fragment and the Compostelan skull, which proved to show that the remnant remains were the same as Gelmírez He extracted the relic donated to Pistoia centuries before, and which had been guarded since the discovery of Teodomiro de Iria, concluding that the decree of the cardinal archbishop of Santiago declaring the authenticity of the bones of Compostela could be confirmed.

          Only then Leo XIII issues in 1884 the BULA DEUS OMNIPOTENS that declares that the rests were found of the Apostle James the Greater and his disciples Athanasius and Theodore. There is nothing to support (as I have seen reflected in some undocumented opinion) that this papal declaration was by ecclesiastical immobility, installed in papal infallibility. The Jacobean question is not a dogmatic subject of faith or Christian morality that in any way affects Catholic doctrine, and the papal conclusion is the result of a long and complex process, first and later Compostela, which instructs the papal decision. Leo XIII was not at all an immovable pope anchored in time. On the contrary, his pontificate is marked by numerous progressive initiatives, such as the creation of centers of study and academic research, the opening of Vatican archives, and the installation of electric lights in the Vatican, as well as socio-political and labor positions that constituted Steps of approach of the Church to the modern world, sometimes ahead of the social approaches. This is the case of his encyclical Rerum Novarum, which in an avant-garde way develops issues of state protection of the worker, rejection of the class struggle to solve poverty and oppression, dignity and freedom of the person in terms of work and salary, And the commitment to values still in force and which earned him the nickname “Pope of the workers”. So many years after the papal bull, and from the scientific options of today, it would be easy to speak of technical or scientific insufficiency, but the fact is that Rome acted with technical and methodical rigor in an issue that is neither dogmatic nor essential, nor for the Vatican nor for the Catholic faith. Even the result of the relic of Pistoia would be considered today as a test with decisive value in the face of an opinion that is not easy to overcome even today.

          The CONCLUSION of all this section of criteria about the integrity and continuity of the remains is that there is a continuous thread that tells us about a guarantee in the Origin of the Remains and not that it is a forgery. Nevertheless the doubt is already strongly sown and it is even attractive to scientifically deny the Jacobean Tradition from the proposals of historians who will label the presence of Santiago in Spain as a non-historical phenomenon, although the only thing that can be said is that history lacks Of documentary arguments, and before what is interpreted that Santiago is a farce. History, from a position of omission, becomes a supposedly scientific justification to disqualify tradition and to construct colorful hypotheses that, lacking also historical foundation, seem to receive more credit than the old popular and traditional version, and contributes credit Literary and academic to its promoters, and sometimes editorial profitability.

Publicado en ING12.- Criteria for Integrity and continuity of the temple and the remains preserved in it., L- TRANSLATION TO ENGLISH AND ITALIAN | Deja un comentario

ING11- Evolution of the tomb and beginning of the local worship.

Four stages can be described here, archaeologically recognizable, in a sequence in which a pagan mausoleum becomes a paleo-Christian necropolis, according to a dynamic process that is established over two centuries.

The first is the phase of pre-Christian Roman Mausoleum, between the beginning and the middle of the first century. It is the funerary pantheon of the Hispanic-Roman noblewoman “Atia Moeta” and her family, as the sepulchral title of the mausoleum writes (which we will see in more detail later). From a certain chronological moment, it accepts the burial of an emblematic person compatible with the Apostle Santiago.


          The second is the Christianization phase and the beginning of the sepulchral cult, in the beginning and middle of the second century. The tombs of the characters identified as the apostle James the Greater and his disciples Athanasius and Theodore, come to occupy the priority of the mausoleum and is placed in the preferred place of the edículo, and in its upper part of it an altar is installed where They are worshiped, altar that conforms from which was the initial sepulchral title mentioned. That is, what was a private mausoleum, becomes a Christian temple of collective worship.

It follows a phase of Concealment between the middle and end of the second century. As a measure of security, protection and defense, the edícule is covered by a vaulted wall of masonry, and even by the construction of a retaining wall of the land aligned with the mausoleum, it causes the concealment underground part or all The building, which generates the proliferation, spontaneous or provoked, of abundant vegetation that leaves buried the whole.


          Finally a phase of paleo-Christian necropolis. At the end of the second century the first tombs emerge and from the third century Christian burials continue until the seventh century, when they are suspended due to depopulation (famine, diseases), which undermines local activity and immerses the place within A thick vegetation and consequent “oblivion” where it remained hidden for centuries until the moment of its discovery and popularization. Roman burials follow first, then sueva and medieval after, where it surprises the existence of common elements that speak of a common cult that is transmitted:

1º all the graves are oriented with the headwaters to the west and the feet to the east.

2º all are of burial, without vestige of cinerary deposits (common in other old funerary modes).

3º absence of pagan symbols and utensils: useful metallic ornamental pieces, coins or funeral gear.

4º the corpses lie stretched in the supine position, crossing hands over the abdomen.

          The convergence of these data, systematic throughout the centuries, suggests a Christian origin of the necropolis, since the oldest graves.

          The convergence of the data of the edícule and its surroundings, now under the floor of the cathedral, converge in a paleo-Christian cult centered on the veneration of an emblematic personage from the century I. How can we explain a Christian cemetery in the ancient Galicia?.

          As Kirchsbaum pointed out in Rome, it is strange that despite the duration of the critical work and the growth of the opposition, no one has succeeded in giving a satisfactory explanation of the compostelan phenomenon, other than that of the essential nucleus of the Tradition.

Publicado en ING11.- Evolution of the tomb and beginning of the local worship, L- TRANSLATION TO ENGLISH AND ITALIAN | Deja un comentario

31- Bernal de Bonaval y el amor platónico

          Bernal de Bonaval fue un trovador gallego de la primera mitad del siglo XIII, uno de los pioneros y más destacados poetas de la lírica galaico-portuguesa. Oriundo de Bonaval, se le considera natural de Santiago de Compostela ya que en sus obras cita con frecuencia el monasterio compostelano de Santo Domingo de Bonaval. Y como poeta galaicoportugués se le consideraba un segrel, es decir un trovador que no ejercía solo por amor al arte sino por dedicación  profesional, obteniendo dinero por la interpretación de sus composiciones;  era casi siempre el caso de infanzones pobres o gente de la baja nobleza, o sirvientes o escuderos de los nobles, habituados como ellos a sus formas y modos, pero  de recursos limitados. No obstante llegó a ser uno de los poetas preferidos y galardonados en las cortes castellanas de Fernando III y Alfonso X, en las que era asiduo, fraguándose allí su prestigio poético.

          En las cortes poéticas, primero de Fernando III y luego de Alfonso X, se prefería el gusto versificador de los poetas galaicoportugueses, más que las tendencias de los trovadores occitanos de la Provenza y su moda tan extendida, precisamente en buena medida a través del Camino de Santiago. Había una tendencia estilística propia que se expresaban en fórmulas menos rebuscadas y más directas, pero cargadas de una afectividad muy viva.

          El propio rey Alfonso X dijo de él, en una cantiga, que parecía haber aprendido su arte del mismísimo demonio, reconociendo en él  unos cánones poéticos autóctonos, propios de un una lírica preexistente a la influencia provenzal. Así se expresó en unos versos dirigidos a Pero da Ponte y reconociéndole como precedente de esa tendencia estilística: 

Vos nos trobades como proençal

Mais como Bernardo de Bonaval

Por onde non e troubar natural

pois que o dél o de demo aprendestes

          De este modo es legítimo entender que Bernal de Bonaval componía en un estilo pre-trovadoresco autóctono, lejos de los cánones provenzales, y que era pionero en ello, generando incluso cierto estilo y escuela.

          Su legado poético se conserva en los cancioneros, en donde se guardan ocho cantigas de amigo, diez cantigas de amor y una tensón (debate entre dos trovadores).

          Un género en el que Bernal de Bonaval destacó especialmente fue en el de las Cantigas de amor. Se trata de un género poético centrado en el amor cortés apasionado que siente un  caballero por su dama, amor que por alguna razón no explícita, no es correspondido o se trata de un amor imposible que se idealiza en tono de lamento. El enamorado rinde vasallaje feudal a su amada, hasta el punto que el modo de dirigirse a ella es el de “senhor”, que tiene aquí el valor pseudónimo de servicio a la dama que se ama sin esperanza de obtener compensación afectiva.

          Es el caso de una cantiga que es verdadera obra maestra en su género y que a menudo se cita como ejemplo de cantiga de amor, y que se identifica por su primer verso:  A dona que eu am’e tenho por senhor.  Se trata de una cantiga compuesta por cuatro estrofas de tres versos cada uno, del cual el tercero es un verso fijo que encierra y reafirma una convicción general, y que en este caso es la de preferir la muerte por mediación de Dios que la carencia del ser amado.

CV 660, CBN 1003

A dona que eu am’ e tenho por senhor

amostrade-mh-a, Deus, se vos en prazer for,

se non dade-mh-a morte.

A que tenh’ eu por lume d’ estes olhos meus

e por que choran sempr’, amostrade-mh-a, Deus,

se non dade-mh-a morte.

Essa que vós fezestes melhor parecer

de quantas sey, ay, Deus!, fazede-mh-a veer,

se non dade-mh-a morte.

Ay, Deus! que mh-a fezestes mays ca min amar,

mostrade-mh-a hu possa con ela falar,

se non dade-mh-a morte.


La dama que yo amo y tengo por Señor,

Dios mío, mostrádmela, así me hacéis favor

si no, dadme la muerte.

La que tengo por lumbre de estos ojos míos,

que lloran sin cesar, mostrádmela, Dios mío,

si no, dadme la muerte.

Ésa que Vos hicisteis de mejor parecer

de todas cuantas hay, hacédmela ver

si no, dadme la muerte.

Ésa que más que a mí me hicisteis amar,

mostrádmela, ¡Ay, Dios! porque le pueda hablar,

si no, dadme la muerte

Publicado en 31- Bernal de Bonaval y el amor platónico, B - MÚSICA | Deja un comentario

30 Alfonso Eanes Do Cotón, entre trovas y tabernas.

          Fue un trovador galaico portugués cuyas trovas tuvieron eco y difusión en el Camino de Santiago, particularmente la ruta de los portugueses.

          Este noble coruñés fue uno de los más famosos trovadores galaico-portugueses por su exquisito modo de trovar y por su trágico desenlace. Se dice que nació en la población coruñesa de Negreira a finales del siglo XII, pero más recientemente se ha descubierto que en la propia localidad de Cotón, a unos 15 km de la capital gallega, existe un palacio perteneciente a la propia familia del trovador. Además el supuesto padre del trovador, un “Iohannes Cothon” tenía su residencia en la capital gallega, tal como atestigua la escritura de una casa de la “rua de Faiariis” (Porta Faxeira), siendo el mismo su propietario, el cual parecía estar casado con lo que el propio nacimiento de Afonso podría ubicarse a finales del siglo XII en la misma Santiago de Compostela.

          Se tiene constancia de su participación en las campañas de Reconquista de Fernando III, y de la lectura de su obra se deduce que estuvo presente en la conquistas de Jaén, e incluso en las tomas de Sevilla y Córdoba.


Pero da Ponte, ou eu non vejo ben

Ou de pran essa cabeça non é

A que vós antaño, per boa fe,

Levastes quando fomos a Geen”

          En su obra se detecta que fue un asiduo frecuentador de tabernas y que le gustaba alternar con mujeres de la vida. Recorrió buena parte de Castilla (Burgos, Palencia, Carrión…) detrás de una mujer de la que él mismo dice que “no sabía si era casada, viuda, soltera, toquinegra, monja o fraila”. Alguna fuentes citan que se amancebó para escándalo de todos con María Pérez Balteira, también conocida como la soldadera de los trovadores, mujeres que acompañaban a los soldados en sus campañas, y ejercía como verdaderas juglaresas que tocaban, danzaban y cantaban sus trovas para alegrar a los soldados en las campañas militares, en las ciudades y de los castillos, con una vida un tanto licenciosa.

          En la cantiga de otro trovador, Martín Suárez, se presenta a Alfonso Eanes do Cotón como trotamundos bohemio, dado al vino, al juego, a las prostitutas y a la bronca: “mais pago-méu deste foder astroso / e destas tavernas e deste  bever). El propio Eanes do Cotón le devuelve adjetivos respondiéndole que es “mui gran putanheiráficado” y que se pasa la vida en garitos y mancebía.

          Terminó sus días muriendo a cuchilladas en una taberna de la recién fundada Ciudad Real a manos de su amigo y discípulo Pero da Ponte, cumpliéndose el viejo adagio: “Al maestro,  cuchillada presto”. Será nada menos que el rey Alfonso el Sabio quien acusa del crimen cometido con Cotón a su amigo Pero da Ponte: “Es, por lo tanto, un gran traidor probado, contra quien mató a su gran amigo mientras bebían; y todo por robarle sus cantares“.

          Su obra poética floreció durante los reinados de Fernando III y de Alfonso X, cuyas cortes visitó con frecuencia. De su producción se conservan unas veinte cantigas, siendo la mayoría de escarnio o maldecir. También se conserva una tensón (de debate entre dos trovadores), que compuso mano a mano con su amigo e discípulo Pero da Ponte, y que muchos estudiosos consideran como más interesantes de su producción.

[B 826 / V 412]

Se gradoedes, amigo,
de mí, que gran ben queredes,
falad’agora comigo,
por Deus, e non mi o neguedes:
amigo, por que andades
tan trist’ou por que chorades?

Pois eu non sei com’entenda
porque andades coitado;
se Deus me de mal defenda,
quería saber de grado,
amigo, por que andades
tan trist’ou por que chorades?

Todos andan trebelhando
(estes con que vós soedes
trebelhar) e vós chorando;
por Deus, e que dem’havedes,
amigo, por que andades
tan trist’ou por que chorades?

Publicado en 30 Alfonso Eanes Do Cotón, entre trovas y tabernas., B - MÚSICA | Deja un comentario