33- Ato, episcopus trecensis, en el Códice Calixtino

          En el desarrollo de la polifonía y el canto Santiago de Compostela y el Camino de Santiago tuvieron una marcada relevancia, como muestra el Códice Calixtino, que además de su destacado contenido monódico de canto llano en el libro I de las liturgias, contiene en su apéndice musical tras el libro V, el primer repertorio polifónico de la Historia de la Música, superiores a otros corpus polifónicos europeos (Winchester y San Marcial de Limoges), y que pueden muy bien considerarse precursor de la gran música polifónica de la escuela de Paris (Leonín y Perotín), con quien tuvo una demostrada relación precursora. Eran los tiempos de la capilla de música formada por canónigos o niños al servicio de la iglesia que cantaban y leían la música sobre facistoles o grandes atriles colectivos sobre los que se apoyaban los libros de música para cantar en las iglesias.

          La colección polifónica del Calixtino, además de una pieza monódica singular com el “Dum pater familias”, incluye veintiún piezas polifónicas pertenecientes a la primera etapa de la polifonía europea (Ars antiqua). Y aparecen en total once personas a los que el Calixtino atribuye estas obras polifónicas y fue una auténtica novedad, pues hasta entonces lo usual era el anonimato, y Compostela fuera la primera en romper con ese hábito como pronto hará la escuela de París poco después. La investigación arroja que en no pocos casos se trata de personajes reales tanto en identidad como en cronología, y los estudios del musicólogo López Calo apuntan a que muy bien estos autores colaborado realmente en la elaboración de estos cantos, lo que tiene un gran interés en la historia de la música, pues serían los primeros autores conocidos de música polifónica, anteriores incluso a Leonin y Perotin, a los que se venía reconociendo como los primeros autores de polifonía. En este caso la escuela de polifonía compostelana sería un precedente de la escuela de Notre Dame de Paris, que actualmente se considera la hipótesis más factible.

      El nombre a que se atribuyen mayor cuantía de obras polifónicas es “Ato episcopus Trecensis”. Se trata de Atón o Hattón, que fue arcediano y deán de Sens y luego obispo de Troyes en la Champaña desde 1125. En 1145 se retiró a la Abadía de Cluny donde murió ese mismo año.

 

          Se le atribuyen siete composiciones en el apéndice polifónico, todas a dos voces: “Nostra phalanx plaudat leta” (Nº 95, folio 214 [185]), “Dum esset salvator in monte Sicut enim vox tonitrui” (Nº 103, folio 216v [187v], “Huic Iacobo Tristis est anima” (nº 104, folio 217 [188]), “Iacobe virginei Tu prece continua” (Nº 105, folio 207 [188]), “O adiutor omnium seculorum Qui subvenis periclitantibus” (Nº 106, folio 217-217v [188-188v]), “Portum in ultimo” (nº 107, folio 217v [188v]), y “Misit Herodes Occidit autem” (Nº 109, folio 218 [189]).

          El Nostra Phalanx es un himno al apóstol Santiago de bellísima factura que los registrados en Spotify pueden escuchar, en versión de Venance Fortunate Ensemble, en el nº 11 de este enlace: 

https://open.spotify.com/album/37MgtzCjQsqTF13ukFWcgX

 

Nostra phalanx plaudat leta
Hac in die, qua athleta
Cristi gaudet sine meta
Iacobus in gloria
Angelorum in curia.

Quem Herodes decollavit,
Et id circo coronavit
Illum Cristus et ditavit
In celesti patria
Angelorum in curia.

Cuius corpus tumulatur
Et a multis visitatur
Et per illud eis datur
Salus in Gallecia
Angelorum in curia.

Ergo festum celebrantes,
Eius melos decantantes
Persolvamus venerantes
Dulces laudes domino
Angelorum in curia.

(Traducción de A. Moralejo)

Aplaudid con alegría,
que Santiago en este día
goza como merecía
en la gloria celestial,
en la curia angelical.

 

Por Herodes degollado,
y por esto coronado
por Cristo y magnificado
en la patria celestial,
en la curia angelical.

 

Cuya tumba venerada
es por muchos visitada
en Galicia les es dada
curación de todo mal
en la curia angelical.

 

Su fiesta, pues, celebremos,
en su honor himnos cantemos
y con loas veneremos
al Señor de siervo tal
en la curia angelical.

 

          El resto de piezas son respuestas para los servicios de la celebración del día de Santiago de las que escucharemos como muestra dos de ellas:

Huic Iacobo Tristis est anima en versión del grupo Sequentia.

R/ Huic Iacobo condoluit dominus tempore passionis sue
velut karus karo suo mesticiam carnis sue,
ostendens ei et dicens.

V/ Tristis est anima mea usque ad mortem,
ostendens ei et dicens.
Gloria Patri et Filio, et Spiritui Sancto

R/ A este Santiago se lamentó el Señor, en el tiempo de su pasión,
como el amigo a su amigo,
mostrándole la tristeza de su carne y diciéndole.
V/ Triste está mi alma hasta la muerte.
Mostrándole y diciéndole.
Gloria al Padre, al Hijo y al Espíritu Santo.

 

Iacobe virginei Tu prece continua

R/ Iacobe virginei frater preciose Iohannis,
qui pius Ermogenem revocasti
corde ferocem ex mundi viciis
ad honorem cunctipotentis

V/ Tu prece continua pro nobis omnibus ora,
qui pius Ermogenem revocasti
corde ferocem ex mundi viciis
ad honorem cunctipotentis

R/ Santiago, preciado hermano del virginal Juan,
que convertiste piadosamente a Hermógenes,
de índole feroz, de los vicios del mundo
al servicio del Omnipotente.
V/ Con oración continua pide por nosotros,
que convertiste piadosamente a Hermógenes,
de índole feroz, de los vicios del mundo
al servicio del Omnipotente.

 

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30- Santiago de Praga o la Iglesia de la Mano Cortada

          En la ciudad vieja de Praga, en una pequeña calle detrás del patio Ungelt, encontramos esta iglesia (Kostel sv. Jakuba), vinculada a una importante comunidad monástica franciscana, que sorprende por sus dimensiones y por la belleza de su decoración. Una vez que nos encontremos en su interior, nos quedamos absortos por la longitud de su nave central, así como por la vertiginosa altura de la misma, que alcanza los treinta metros.

       Surgió cuando la Vieja Ciudad de Praga comenzó a ser rodeada de muros de protección, fundada en 1232 a instancias de Wenceslao I de Bohemia, en estilo románico. Gracias a Juan de Luxemburgo y su esposa, el inmueble fue reconstruido en el siglo XIV y transformado en una hermosa e inmensa basílica gótica. En 1689 la iglesia fue destruida por un incendio y posteriormente renovada y remodelada en estilo barroco. Por ello y como ocurre en otras muchas iglesias de Praga, en ella encontramos una asociación de elementos góticos del edificio con una decoración interior barroca. No cabe quedarse con ganas de conocerla, pues dicen las guías turísticas que permanece abierta todos los días del año y que la entrada es gratuita.

          La iglesia fue un componente original del Monasterio Minorita  aquí edificado. Uno de los primeros usos de los que se tiene evidencia para esta construcción, fue como escenario de la festividad para celebrar la coronación del rey Juan de Luxemburgo y su esposa, para luego ser marginada de la historia durante una enorme cantidad de años. Durante su existencia ha sido víctima de tres incendios diferentes, todo lo cual representó un gran esfuerzo de reconstrucción en la posguerra. La construcción que se ve en la actualidad es el resultado del trabajo realizado en el siglo XVII, en el que tuvo lugar el último incendio. El incendio que destruyó una gran parte de la Ciudad Vieja en 1689 obligó la reconstrucción parcial del edificio.

En la nueva fachada encontraremos tres bajo-relieves de gran tamaño, cuyas escenas representan la apoteosis de San Francisco, Santiago el mayor rodeado de peregrinos y la apoteosis de San Antonio de Padua.

          Desde los siglo XII y XIII desde Praga partía una de las rutas principales de peregrinación europea, y la ciudad fue un punto clave del Camino de Santiago medieval, en modo que la iglesia de Santiago de Praga fue un lugar de descanso de los peregrinos en el Camino de Santiago centro-europeo. Las altas torres de la iglesia debían facilitar a los peregrinos la orientación y el angel sobre el apóstol Santiago de relieve central de la entrada está indicando la dirección para peregrinar al camino de Santiago junto a un peregrino que lo muestra al resto.

          En la decoración de los interiores de la iglesia de Santiago participaron los más destacados artistas checos del barroco, destacando una obra maestra del arte barroco: la pintura del altar que representa el Martirio de Santiago de Reiner, instalado en un enorme marco llevado por ángeles. Cuenta la leyenda que el cuadro fue pintado cuando la peste negra asolaba Praga. El pintor pedía continuamentye a la Virgen no morir de esta enfermedad. Él no la contrajo, pero si su esposa y su hijo, que fallecieron mientras él siguió trabajando hasta dar la última pincelada al cuadro, momento en que cayó muerto al suelo, aunque no víctima de la peste negra.

También es reseñable su magnífica bóveda, embellecida con frescos en trampantojo del pintor Francis Vogeta de 1736, con escenas de la Virgen María.

          La acústica de la iglesia es de renombre mundial, por lo que es lugar elegido como lugar idóneo de conciertos de música clásica y sacra que se celebran allí a lo largo de cada año. La acústica se hace singularmente patente con el colosal órgano barroco de 1705, un prestigioso atractivo de esta iglesia, con 4 teclados manuales, 91 registros y 8277 tubos,  que se encuentra en el lugar perfecto para demostrar su sonido. Resulta un aliciente espectacular la cita dominical por la intervención del órgano. Se cuenta que Mozart fue en varias ocasiones a tocar en el órgano de esta espectacular iglesia.

          Uno de los mayores atractivos de esta iglesia lo representa la tumba del Canciller Checo Vratislav de Mitrovice. El elaborado diseño fue creado por Jan Bernard Fischer de Erlach es un verdadero testimonio de  su destreza. Un viejo rumor cuenta que cuando la tumba fue abierta, su cuerpo fue encontrado sentado, como si hubiera tratando en vano de salir de su tumba.

          Otro gran atractivo es la estatua de la Virgen María del siglo XV, en el altar mayor. Se trata de la Virgen Dolorosa, de un bello estilo gótico tardío, que ocupaba inicialmente un altar lateral cuando protagonizo uno de los acontecimientos más sorprendentes y siniestros del lugar, emparentado con la propia historia y tradición de esta iglesia y que da al templo el sobrenombre de “Iglesia de la mano cortada”.

 

          Santiago fue considerado patrono del gremio de los carniceros, lo que explica que en la Praga medieval hubiera numerosos comercios de carniceros en las inmediaciones de la iglesia. El rey de Bohemia, Juan de Luxemburgo, les concedió el privilegio como gremio como agradecimiento por haberle ayudado a llegar al trono. Cuando en el siglo XV estallaron en el país las guerras de los husitas, quienes destruían todo lo relacionado con la religión católica, la iglesia de Santiago y el convento quedaron casi indemnes gracias a la protección de los carniceros, que la defendían contra los ataques y robos, según testimonia una vieja leyenda local, cuando cierta vez un ladrón quiso robar las joyas de la Virgen. Permaneció agazapado en una esquina hasta quedar el templo vacío, momento que eligió para acercarse a la talla de madera de la Virgen María, abalanzándose sobre ella para robarle sus joyas, una corona y un collar de perlas. Para sorpresa del ladrón, la estatua de la Virgen le agarró la mano con tal fuerza que el ladrón no podía liberarse y tuvo que permanecer allí toda la noche hasta que a la mañana siguiente le encontró un sacerdote, quien salió a la antigua calle de los carniceros y volvió a la iglesia con un carnicero y su hacha. El ladrón clamaba que rompieran la talla, pero resolvieron cortarle el brazo, que se conserva en la iglesia de Santiago hasta el presente. Sea como fuere, si realmente se trató de una leyenda o si fue verdad lo ocurrido, lo cierto es que a la entrada a la iglesia, en el pasillo a mano derecha, cuelga en lo alto un resto que realmente se asemeja a un brazo humano momificado, y debajo un lienzo que narra la historia de la iglesia de la mano cortada. Y en la nave lateral del inmueble, en dirección al norte, está situada en la pared una placa del año 1615 que lleva una inscripción de los carniceros, quienes advierten que a quien quiera hacer algún daño o ponga en peligro la iglesia, será hecho pedazos.

          Actualmente la iglesia y el convento sirven nuevamente a la orden Minorita que enlaza en sus actividades con los años de gloria de la época en que gobernaron el país los soberanos de la dinastía de los Luxemburgo.

 

Publicado en 30- Santiago de Praga o la Iglesia de la Mano Cortada, C - ARTÍCULOS | Etiquetado | 1 Comentario

21- Milagro en Santiago de las Escombreras

De mi buen amigo Manuel Esperilla, de los Amigos del Camino de Santiago de Sevilla «Vía de la Plata», tomo prestado esta joya de artículo que dice mucho y bueno de su autor y de su asociación.

 

DE COMO LA ASOCIACIÓN DE AMIGOS DEL CAMINO DE SANTIAGO VÍA PLATA Y EL CLUB BÚHO PEREGRINO FUERON TESTIGOS DEL PRODIGIO QUE SE CUENTA, HACIENDO LABORES DE LIMPIEZA DEL CAMINO A LA SALIDA DE SEVILLA

“¡Milagro! ¡Milagro! ¡Milagro!”, gritan las voces divertidas y en el fondo emocionadas.

“¡Milagro! ¡Milagro! ¡Milagro!”, siguen gritando, reclamando la atención del resto de la cuadrilla que poco a poco abandonan sus aperos de limpieza y acuden a observar el hallazgo, el segundo, pues minutos antes han aparecido quemados los restos de una placa de un disco duro. “¡Bárcenas, Bárcenas, el portátil de Bárcenas!”, ha vociferado su descubridor, sin atreverse a declararlo “milagro” pues ni su fe ni la del resto ni la de cualquier alma, aún cándida, es bastante para creer en un hecho tan improbable.

Son apenas las nueve de la mañana y la sombra de la torre Pelli, como un dildo ortopédico de hormigón y cristal, todavía sin bruñir, proyecta su sombra sobre los primeros metros de tierra del Camino de Santiago.

La salida de Sevilla, buscando la antigua pasarela del ferrocarril a Camas, hoy Vía verde, sucia y llena de escombros, es fácil de imaginar para quien habitó en ciudades y conoció sus bordes, siempre degradados y abandonados. Las hierbas altas de esta primavera que todo lo ocultaban ardieron por gracia de algún pirómano, de algún desaprensivo que igual arroja colillas encendidas que suelas de zapatos, latas de cerveza que vidrio, mucho vidrio, o ropa vieja, colchones, alfombrillas, pelucas, restos de ordenadores, juguetes, condones y la biblia en pasta.

 

 

Todo el decálogo de objetos posibles arrojados desde las ventanillas de los autos que paran a hacer el stop del semáforo, o por los peatones que, camino del aparcamiento o de ese mercadillo digno de un estudio sociológico para el que todo un departamento universitario no sería bastante, han compuesto un paisaje desolador, un basurero improvisado que amenaza con tragarse el camino y enterrar la caseta del guardia.

Todo previsible, ¿todo? No. Entre los escombros incendiados, someramente enterrado, ha aparecido la figurilla de un santo. ¿Casualidad? Tampoco. El santo es el mismísimo Santiago, peregrino de metal que ha brillado cuando pasando de mano en mano se ha ido despojado de los resto de tierra, de cenizas, de tizne como una pátina que lo ultraja. Las caricias han terminado por devolver su aspecto lozano a esta figurilla de apenas diez centímetros de alto, reproducción de la que, en piedra, corona la fachada de la Quintana, por encima de la Puerta Santa, en la catedral compostelana, escoltado por sus discípulos. Teodoro y Atanasio.

El sitio de la aparición es marcado para convertirlo en lugar provisto de significado, en otro locus sancti iacobi (lúdico y sevillano) en el que levantar la futura capilla, ermita, crucero o santuario que acoja al santo. Arquitecto y aparejador (que haylos entre los devotos) ponen trabas urbanísticas, cuando enseguida aparece un manojo de llaves, “las de la futura capilla”, revela su descubridora, cual pastorcita de Fátima. Es entonces cuando los profesionales del rotring o del autocad, ya entregados, comienzan a pensar en el Plan Parcial para ejecutarla.

Con la vuelta al tajo, reina un breve silencio entre esta veintenade peregrinos voluntarios que han salido a limpiar este tramo, a practicar lo que alguno ha llamado “arqueología del desperdicio”, pues la recogida de basuras obliga a arquear el espinazo, invistiendo por si hiciera falta de una dignidad añadida el acto. Cada uno ha deseado en secreto la suerte de los descubridores, elegidos por el santo, uncidos con su gracia, y a todos les resulta fácil recrear el sentimiento de Pelagio, el ermitaño, o el de Miguel Payá, arzobispo de Santiago, cuando a ambos le fueron reveladas, con diez siglos de diferencia entre ambos sucesos, las reliquias del Santo.

Han sido casi tres horas de emociones intensas y duro trabajo. La sombra de la torre comienza a acortarse cuando más de cincuenta bolsas de basura, sacos y cajas repletos son cargados para ser llevados a la cuba más próxima (lejana). El Santo, que está por agradar (¡cómo si hiciera falta!), hace que aparezca en lontananza un vehículo de LIPASAM (empresa municipal de limpieza) con un par de operario que huyen en cuanto ven el fruto de nuestro trabajo, con la excusa de que sería decisión del responsable (que, como es lógico, no está pues hoy es sábado) acercarse hasta donde estamos para llevarse las basuras que les hemos cogido prestadas. ¡Y es que, aunque lo intente, ni el mismísimo Santo, Santiago de las Escombreras de todos los Caminos, puede obrar tan prodigioso milagro! Debe ser que tendrá de ser llevado, andando, a su tumba en Compostela, para ser allí bendecido y entonces sus poderes renovados.

De momento, y habiendo acabado temprano, peregrinamos hacia la bifurcación del Camino con el cortijo del infame Queipo de Llano, a quien por más que alguna vez se congraciara con el Matamoros, el Peregrino tendrá que haber castigado.

Señalamos el sitio en el que colocar una señal que aguante las riadas y continuamos a Santiponce, negociando incluso con un boyero, con el que casualmente nos encontramos, el acarreo del monolito pendiente de autorización para ser instalado.

En el polígono industrial llenamos la mochila con langostinos y gambas recién cocidos para emprender el regreso a la sede de la asociación y celebrar tal día como hoy, 31 de agosto de 2013, fecha ya imborrable en la historia jacobea sevillana.

Se unió a nuestra celebración un peregrino francés que comenzaba el día de la aparición su camino a Santiago. Comió, bebió y se emocionó con la crónica de nuestro hallazgo, por lo que pudiera ser que pronto lleguen noticias del milagro a Santiago, donde para nuestra desgracia, ningún Gelmírez sabrá sacarle todo el partido necesario.

Hasta aquí lo que se puede contar, pues otros prodigios y temblores de piernas se sucedieron para mayores favores, glorias y méritos de devotos, peregrinos y Santo.

Y cuenta este humilde cronista aficionado esto para que generaciones venideras acudan a esta memoria cuantas veces les hiciera falta.

Crónica apresurada del primer milagro del que se tienen noticias de Santiago de las Escombreras

De todos es sabido la beneficencia y favores de los santos, manifiestos en sus milagros. Muchos son los realizados por Santiago a lo largo de los caminos a Compostela: convertir a un pajarillo (txori) en higiénico asistente de una Virgen coqueta, hacer cantar una gallina después de asada, transustanciar ante un cura incrédulo el vino eucarístico en sangre… y un largo etcétera que hay que intentar comprender en su contexto, dentro de un tiempo en el que entre la lógica y la magia no existían fronteras, ambas permitiendo explicaciones igual de válidas del Mundo y de sus gentes.

Las crónicas de tales milagros resultan siempre deficientes, pues es una experiencia total y plena que al pretender trascribir da como resultado una simplificación incoherente, como comprobaremos en cuanto intentemos dar noticias del primer milagro, aún por reconocer, de Santiago de las Escombreras, ante la presencia de una veintena de peregrinos-barrenderos. Y sin embargo, convencidos estamos de que este Santo se sumará a otros píos que recorren la Vía de la Plata, como esa talla pesada de madera que bendice los campos sobre su carro arriero, o como aquel otro prístino esculpido en granito, colgado en una arquivolta de Santa Marta de Tera, y cuya reproducción adorna un rinconcito de nuestra sede.

Más o menos, han sido así los hechos:

Dos peregrinos de cierta edad, con su afán de trascendencia ya satisfecho (ambos con hijos, e incluso nietos) se casaron hace un par de años en segundas nupcias celebradas en Chipiona. Fue templo la playa y por dioses acudieron el agua salada, el sol tibio de invierno y la inmaculada arena. Y como distinguido cortejo, buena parte de los que hoy han participado en las tareas de limpieza de esos pocos de metros de camino como una inmunda escombrera. Es feliz esta pareja que celebra y vuelve a celebrar su unión en cuantos actos peregrinos se le presentan, pues no en vano deben los esponsales al Camino su feliz encuentro.

Hoy, finalizada la faena, de vuelta de Santiponce con las mochilas de mariscos llenas, ella ha comprendido por fin el sentido de esas vibraciones que ha dicho sentir Juan el búho (declarado beato como el de Iría, después de haber sido él quien encontrara al Santo de las Escombreras). Se ha atrevido ella a verbalizar lo que ha intuido desde hace apenas unos momentos, desde que tuvo la figurilla entre sus dedos. “Estoy embarazada”, confiesa tímidamente.

El grupo acoge con vítores de entusiasmo la buenanueva, y alguno no duda en calificar el hecho como milagro inmediatamente. Ávidos de conocimientos, han querido saber de cuánto tiempo, y le preguntan impacientes para echar cuentas sobre el alumbramiento, el bautismo, la guardería y el primer diente.

“Todavía me tiemblan las piernas”, responde con un rubor adolescente capaz de emocionar a cualquiera.

“¡Milagro! ¡Milagro! ¡Milagro!”. Otra vez se alzan las voces y se prodigan las felicitaciones y parabienes para la llena de gracia, graciosa y excelente cocinera que ha preparado para la ocasión una exquisita pastela. Su compañero, padre putativo, enseguida asiente y confirma el milagro sin mijita de celos, haciendo secretos cálculos sobre la reciente anunciación entre los escombros quemados, justo encima de la marca con que se ha señalado el lugar del descubrimiento, donde según los más fervientes tendrá que ser levantado el futuro templo.

“Es niña”, termina diciendo con una sonrisa de felicidad plena, imposible de dibujar con letras. No habiendo, o al menos no conociendo, versión femenina del nombre del hijo de Zebedeo se descartan Santiaga, Diega, Jacoba, Jaima… y comienzan las propuestas para ser sometidas a consenso:

Vieira: muy difícil de pronunciar por estas tierras, casi un trabalenguas.

Zamburiña: (así llamadas las vieiras en Isla Cristina), resulta un nombre más propio para una pastorcita navideña.

Coquina: cariñoso, bueno como diminutivo y exquisito bivalvo que podría provocar la incontinencia de los varones fogosos (entre los que, pecador al cabo, me encuentro).

Berberecha: inmediatamente descartado por prestarse a desmesurado cachondeo.

Albariña: gozoso en exceso.

Y así se van sucediendo las propuestas, sin acabar de dar con la tecla, hasta que por fin aparece Concha: también bivalvo, aunque sin subgénero, y apócope de Concepción. Y esta ambigüedad hace que la agraciada asienta, con el beneplácito de su putativo compañero.

Lo siguiente es fijar fechas para el bautismo previo alumbramiento (aunque sea esto lo de menos). A todos los asistentes parece venirles bien las Navidades, por ser días de natividad, de vacaciones y de fiesta. Y hasta entonces queda esta crónica en suspenso, salvo que tuviera que ser retomada por cualquier incidente.

Como has visto y ya te anunciaba, toda transcripción de cualquier milagro resulta siempre insuficiente, inevitablemente incompleta y reducida en su verdadera esencia.

 

Publicado en 21- Milagro en Santiago de las Escombreras, G- PRÉSTAMOS LITERARIOS | Deja un comentario

32 Payo Gomes Chariño entre la marina y la trova.

          Payo Gomes Chariño  o Payo Gomez de Sotomayor fue un noble gallego marino y militar, primer señor de Rianxo, Adelantado Mayor del Reino de Galicia, y figura política de la corona de Castilla, que fue también poeta y singular trovador en lengua gallega, exponente de la perfección técnica y estética a la que llegó el cancionero en gallego en el siglo XIII.

          Nació probablemente en 1225 en una familia de la nobleza del suroeste de Galicia, en Pontevedra o sus cercanías. Brilló por sus dotes militares en el mar. Destacó al frente de la flota que conquistó Sevilla para Castilla remontando el Guadalquivir (1248).

          A la edad de 22 años y bajo el reinado de Fernando III, se incorporó con sus naves a la flota de guerra reunida por don Ramón Bonifaz en las villas del Cantábrico, y juntos se dirigieron al Guadalquivir.

          Allí destacó en la conquista de Sevilla, pues cuenta la tradición que era él quien mandaba las dos naves gallegas que, puestas en vela y con viento favorable, rompieron el puente de barcas y las cadenas que había sobre el Guadalquivir, dejando así incomunicado el barrio de Triana con la capital de Sevilla, acción que fue clave para la victoria y la conquista de la ciudad. Con la flota que Fernando III preparaba y que luego su hijo Alfonso X armó para invadir el reino almohade del norte de áfrica, fue donde D. Payo ganó la experiencia y el prestigio por el que el rey Alfonso X, poco antes de ser sucedido en el trono por su hijo Sancho IV, le nombro Almirante en 1284, a los 59 años, cargo que ejerció hasta 1286; y en 1292, el propio rey  Sancho le honró con su máxima confianza nombrándole Adelantado Mayor del Reino de Galicia, a donde pasaría a vivir definitivamente.

          Su relación con Sancho IV fue muy estrecha, acompañándole en su peregrinación a Compostela en 1286, periplo en el que Gómez Charinho ganó la plena confianza y ganó del monarca algunos privilegios para su tierra natal, Pontevedra.

          A la muerte de Sancho IV, y ante la supuesta debilidad de su viuda y regente Dª María de Molina hasta la mayoría de edad del hijo de ambos, Fernando IV, Don Juan de la Cerda pretendió hacerse con la corona de los reinos de Sevilla, Galicia y León, dejando a María de Molina la regencia de Castilla y Toledo. En la guerra civil consecutiva, D. Payo tomó partido por la regente, defendiendo las fronteras del reino de Galicia como correspondía a su cargo, y hubo de enfrentarse con D. Juan Alfonso de Albuquerque, valedor en Galicia de Juan de la Cerda, logrando vencerle y hacerle prisionero. Pero poco después, contando ya con 70 años, cuando acudía como mediador entre los infantes D. Juan y D. Enrique, D. Rui Pérez de Tenorio le daría muerte en el año 1295 en  Ciudad Rodrigo, y se cuenta que le mataron a traición “dándole con un cuchillo por medio del corazón e cayó luego de un caballo que montaba”.

          Fue enterrado en un majestuoso sepulcro en la iglesia de San Francisco, con existencia de documentos que acreditan el pago de noventa y cinco reales anuales al convento de San Francisco por derechos de la sepultura de Payo Gómez Charino y sucesores, y por el Patronato de la capilla de la Adoración de los Santos Reyes. En el lado de la Epístola contiene una leyenda en su lápida que dice:

AQVI: IAZE: EL MUI NOBLE: CABALLERO: PAYO
GUOMEZ: CHARINO: EL PRIMEIRO: SEÑOR: DE RRIANJO:
QUE GUANO: A SEVILLA SIENDO: DE MOROS: Y LOS:
PREVILEIOS: DESTA VILLA: ANO DE I…(1304, era la fecha que contenía)

          Posteriormente el sarcófago fue usado por sus descendientes como panteón familiar. De hecho la inscripción fue realizada en fecha posteriormente a la del sarcófago, que Chamoso Lamas dató en 1308. Fueron sus bisnietos, Suero Gómez de Soutomaior e Juán Mariño quienes en el siglo XV añadieron la inscripción y los escudos.

          En 1923 se procedió al traslado del sarcófago a su nueva ubicación, y allí descansa junto a sus descendientes, y a otro sarcófago, probablemente de su esposa doña María Giráldez Maldonado, que sobrevivió once años a su esposo hasta que murió en la ciudad de Pontevedra.

          Se le conocen 28 composiciones entre cantigas de amor y de amigo. Sólo queda de él una cantiga de escarnio. En sus poemas amorosos introduce la temática marinera, que da lugar a la entrañable invocación al Apóstol.

          Es un exponente de la perfección técnica y estética a la que llegó el cancionero en gallego en el siglo XIII.

          Escuchamos la versión del grupo Performers en la voz de Paulina Ceremużyńska del Grupo de Música Antiga Meendinho que sobrecoge nuestro espíritu por la belleza emocionante de la música y del texto formando una unidad de sentimiento que remueve a cualquier oyente.   

https://youtu.be/gnq2If_TWZY

[B 817 / V 401]

As frores do meu amigo
briosas van no navío
E van-se as frores
d’aquí ben con meus amores!
Idas son as frores
d’aquí ben con meus amores!

As frores do meu amado
briosas van eno barco!
E van-se as frores
d’aquí ben con meus amores!
Idas son as frores
d’aquí ben con meus amores!

Briosas van no navío
pera chegar ao ferido.
E van-se as frores
d’aquí ben con meus amores!
Idas son as frores
d’aquí ben con meus amores!

Briosas van eno barco
pera chegar ao fossado.
E van-se as frores
d’aquí ben con meus amores!
Idas son as frores

d’aquí ben con meus amores!


Pera chegar ao ferido,
servir mí, corpo velido.
E van-se as frores
d’aquí ben con meus amores!
Idas son as frores
d’aquí ben con meus amores!

Pera chegar ao fossado,
servir mí, corpo loado.
E van-se as frores
d’aquí ben con meus amores!
Idas son as frores
d’aquí ben con meus amores!

 

          Y la ternura de sus poemas amorosos se encuentra con la entrañable invocación al Apóstol, que escuchamos con el corazón compungido del Ensemble Discantus y Brigitte Lesne, un tema en donde el amor humano y la fe en el apostol se hacen uno desde el siglo XIII.

https://youtu.be/YInu0wwpNRE


[B 843 / V 429]

Ai Santiago, padrón sabido,
vós mi adugades o meu amigo!
Sobre mar ven quen frores d’amor ten:
mirarei, madre, as torres de Geén.

Ai, Santiago, padrón provado,
vós mi adugades o meu amado!
Sobre mar ven quen frores d’amor ten!
mirarei, madre, as torres de Geén.

 

 

Publicado en 32 Payo Gómez Chariño entre la marina y la trova., B - MÚSICA | Etiquetado | Deja un comentario

ING15 FINAL CONCLUSION

          The concordance of the multidisciplinary criteria reviewed here leads me to conclude that the Jacobean Tradition contains a valuable background of verisimilitude that should not be denied. If the various opposing hypotheses have failed to explain the origin of the Jacobean cult, if there is no evidence or alibi that deny or contradict the Tradition of the preaching of Santiago in Spain and the transfer and discovery of its remains in Galicia, and on the contrary, there are indications, testimonies, documents and findings that converge in its viability, and the historical context and the archaeological contributions makes it compatible and possible, there is at least to admit its verisimilitude, while its dismissal from critical apriorism is Unjustified: nothing and nobody has given up to this day a satisfactory explanation of the phenomenon of Compostela, which is not the very core of the Tradition itself

          There is no doubt that what is venerated in Compostela is the figure of one of the great apostles of Christ, as an example of commitment and renunciation to the point of giving his life for his faith. And it is faith that legitimizes the Jacobean cult, not the certainty or doubt about the presence of its relics. But it is proposed too often, perhaps as an impartial and elegant departure, that the subject of the relics is secondary. The Jacobean question does not seek to establish priorities as being primary or secondary, but rather studies it as an integral concept. In my initial approach, I said that the Camino de Santiago is a route of pilgrimage and ideological and cultural content, and both, course and content, should be taken care of, as they define their geographical, historical and cultural identity. Way and Tradition are necessary facets as two sides of the same coin. To forget the Tradition would be to forget one half of the Way.

          The Jacobean culture born of the Tradition of the Apostle Santiago, is an ideal space for personal experience, both from worship and faith, and from the pragmatic experience of the Way, where the sacred and the profane go hand in hand. Those who only seek in the Way a spiritual experience, or only live it as a personal challenge, will never fully understand and enjoy what Compostela and his Way is.

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ING14- The C14 test.

          Completing the multidisciplinary analysis, it is time to try the evaluation of the Carbon-14 test. Although without exhaustive technical pretension, it is important to see what would be the situation of a possible radio-carbonic examination of the Compostelan necropolis.

          Carbon-14 dating is a radiometric method based on the constant ratio in living organisms between carbon isotopes (C12 and C14). When the organism dies this relationship changes, due to the radioactive instability and decomposition of the C14 with a well-known time velocity, which allows to calculate the time spent since the body’s death from the difference between the ratio C-12 / C-14.

          It is considered an absolute physicochemical method of dating, so it is generally believed that the C14 will accurately give us the age of an ancient bone as a thermometer would give us its temperature, and it is seen in this scientific option a safe solution to The Jacobean question. The reality is far from being so simple. For a very specific and well-defined sample it can be, in effect, simple and safe, but the archaeological survey of the remains of Compostelanos is not only the study of some concrete remains, but those of a necropolis of several centuries of evolution. Your complete study would require to be combined with DNA determination. The C14 and DNA tests are different techniques that provide very different data. The independent use of C14 is characteristic of very old, prior, and even ancient human representations on Earth, which are approximations of millions of years, where an error of a few centuries is insignificant. In expert  of human remains is especially valid for remains with dates up to 45/50 thousand years. Nowadays there are laboratories that apply the particle accelerator (AMS) spectrometry, obtaining reliable data of up to 80 thousand years, at which time the margins of error are still very wide.              

          But in archaeological surveys of human remains, especially in ancient and multicultural necropolis, the combination of C14 and DNA becomes necessary. The object of the DNA here is to identify which fragments with the same C14, belong to the same individual, allowing a count. If the formation of the necropolis is several centuries and includes the succession of several cultures, as is the case of the Compostelan necropolis, the combination of C14 and DNA is essential to obtain results that can have a systematizable interpretive value. It would be necessary to apply the two tests to a wide sampling of the fragments of the urn, practically to all, that by having spent more time outside the urn than within she, and suffering displacement, fragmentation, mixing and contamination, it would be necessary to extend the sampling not only to the entire edicule, but also to the subsoil of the cathedral environment.

          In these cases the C14 can guide the start and end dates of burials, which can also be estimated reliably by common archaeological criteria (stratigraphy), but the identification of whether or not remains are compatible with those of a specific well-known person of History would have little or no value. Its realization would require the scraping of a small amount of matter in each analyzable fragment, and in the course of twenty centuries it has undergone displacements, fragmentations and mixtures or contaminations, thousands of bone fragments from mixed and superposed tombs, Which would require a very high sampling of double determinations, to detect the chronology, to assess the count and estimate the degree of mixing and general pollution that allows to make rigorous conclusions and that would entail an extraordinary and complex deployment of archaeological re-excavation and Security measures and control of the entire cathedral subsoil. The study, in addition to a halting of temple activity, required such a large amount of resources and a high cost that its funding would only be advisable to address if it provided us with necessary and relevant information, Feasible to achieve, and offer a precise scientific benefit. The indication of such a study could only be based on the need to find out something essential together with a full guarantee of resolution, and neither of the two basic premises are given here. The possibilities of giving a very open chronological interval, several centuries, between the oldest and the least ancient remains of the whole, are so high that would invalidate its intended effectiveness. Confirm a contemporaneous antiquity to the times of Christ, is more a desire than a guarantee achievable by science and, since it is not possible to register identities, the chances that the test would be resolute are meager.

          Also the remains may be subjected to scanner, magnetic resonance, computerized axial tomography, ultrasound or bone scintigraphy, tests of very high scientific value, but also have no indication here by the same criterion. It could also be analyzed the necropolis that guard the apostolic remains of San Pedro and San Pablo, or of some Saints whose identity is questioned, and to historical, political, military, emperors, etc., can always find an important historical criterion Which may justify the alleged timing of those determinations.

          It is easy to question yesterday’s results with today’s technology, but as much or more questionable is to think that the C14 has the key to the unknown, and there are no guarantees to precisely resolve such selective dating to such an open sample, and the Professionals are those who dismiss the need and resolving ability of this test. There will be those who suggest that the test be done only to the remains that are guarded today in the urn, and only C14, but this is an insufficient criterion for the experts themselves, because the remains have been a century in the ballot box and many Centuries outside it, which demands to study the whole environment with double analytical determination. The possibilities of obtaining ineffective results are so high that the experts consider the study as “not decisive and not determinant”, so they dismiss the technical indication of the same, which they value as “not advisable, and not decisive”, as well as inefficient For its very high costs. Especially the chances of being able to rejet Santiago or Prisciliano by criteria of chronological compatibility would be useless, and with very high probability that it was positive for both.

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ING13- Anti-Jacobean Theories

          Another way of analyzing the Jacobean Tradition is to see what the hypotheses of the detractors say. The existence of an explanation of the origin of the Jacobean phenomenon of unquestionable certainty would be very clarifying, but we will see how none of the proposed theories, other than the Jacobean Tradition itself, offers something resolute, and in all cases are proposals that have been proven wrong.

          Some objections to the “Traditio” were analyzed, such as the Christianisation of pagan precedents, or the fruit of military and ecclesiastical opportunism, or lack of time for the journey, or the impossibility of transferring the mortal remains of the apostle. Of the various hypotheses hitherto valued, none offers a plea that contradicts or invalidates the Tradition in its basic aspects: the evangelizing work of James the Greater in Hispania, and the presence of his burial in Compostela. In this section we will analyze the theories that most properly deserve the term anti-jacobeas, since they deny the presence of Santiago in Hispania and make a proposal of how the phenomenon of the Jacobean cult could be started.

          Three are the ones that deserve the interest of this analysis: the hypothesis of the Silence, the hypothesis Emeritense, and the hypothesis Priscilianista. The three, designed or supported by eminent ecclesiastical men, testify that the Church never modeled a Jacobean phenomenon to its measure. The third, despite its archaeological invalidity, has aroused the greatest sympathy.

          THE HYPOTHESIS OF SILENCE, outlined by German priests Ignaz Schuster and Johann Baptist Holzammer in his Handbuch zur Biblische Geschichte (two volumes, 1862-64), whose 8th edition was translated into Spanish in 1934 as Biblical History. The hypothesis is developed with apodictic value by Monsignor Louis Duchesne in his article of 1900 Saint Jacques in Galice, as a reply to the Papal Bull Deus Omnipotens of Leo XIII. In short, he proposes that if Santiago had preached in Hispania, it would be impossible the silence the Hispanic authors of antiquity. The argument generated a great impact in the field of History, because it is undoubted that the lack of documented news in the Roman-Christian sources and Hispanic Visigoths around the coming and preaching of Santiago conditions the historian, given to found the historical facts in documentals sources, so that a void so relevant seems to suggest its historical inexistence.

          But the lack of documents is a constant problem in the study of the past of humanity, and the silence of Hispanic sources about many other historical facts and figures is as much or more incomprehensible. Why is this negative criterion applied here, and with argument value? Accepting that it is a striking fact can not be accepted as a demonstrative argument. The historical reasons for the rupture of continuity between the Apostle’s preaching and later Hispanic Christianity were already seen, which explains the silence of the Hispanic sources of Late Antiquity and the Visigothic Patristic. To give value to the argument of silence would imply, for the same reason, that none of the “Twelve” preached in any of the places in the known world where their respective legendary traditions place them, because equally no documentary certainty exists about it. Neither the preaching of the apostles nor the history of the martyrs are documented, they were largely destroyed. Eusebius of Caesarea attests that the writings that Christians used in their rites were requisitioned and burned. During its persecution, was introduced the policy of obtaining by means of torment, apostates more than martyrs, and was ordered in diverse edicts, the destruction of churches and sacred books. There were traders, who for fear of being prosecuted handed over the sacred books and writings. Whole Christian files disappeared. It was intended, according to Eusebius, not to record the martyrs to prevent their faith and tradition from spreading. There was, therefore, a mass destruction of documents and the Church lost the reports of the history of its martyrs and its origins. Eusebius of Caesarea tells us how he himself witnessed the public burning of books. Only a solid oral tradition allowed the transmission of the facts, although in rewriting they were adorned with exuberant rhetoric and pious exaggerations.

          Giving argumentative value to silence is tantamount to saying that what was not written did not happen, which is inconsistent when more than three quarters of the old books have been lost and many documents are false, so it is a negative valuation Without probative value, since neither silence shows emptiness, nor does the document guarantee historicity.

          From a wider geographic range we can not speak of silence. Non-Hispanic authors of the fourth and fifth centuries, such as Didymus of Alexandria called the Blind (313-398), St. Jerome (342-420), Theodoret of Cyrus (393-466), speaking of the places evangelized by the apostles in the Century I, expressly mention Hispania and the lands of the West. Although they do not specify the name of the apostle, these quotations that expressly include the lands of Hispania in the plan of evangelization should not be omitted.

          The reference of Didymus the blind says: “… quad alteri quidem apostolorum in India degenti, alteri vero in Hispania, alteri autem ab ipso in alia regione usque ad extremitate terrae distributo”: One of the apostles received in reparto India, another Spain, And even another plus a region to the extremity of the Earth “. (De Trinitate, Book II, p. 39, col. 487 § 136)

          St. Jerome brings two significant references in his commentary to Isaiah: “… The Holy Spirit gathered them together and assigned them the place which had each fallen in the lot. One went to India, another to Spain, another to Illirico, another to Greece, so that everyone would rest in the province where he had preached the gospel and doctrine. (Commentary to Isaiah, L. XII, verses 16 and 17, chapter 34). “It is those apostles who, mending their nets by the shore of the lake of Gennesaret, were called by Jesus and sent into the immense sea, converting them in fishers of men; those who began from Jerusalem, preached the gospel to the Illirico and Spain, bringing their doctrine in a short time to Rome itself. (Commentary to Isaiah, L. IV, verse 10, chapter 42).

          Theodoret of Cyrus speaks of the mission of an apostle in Spain (De Martyribus, Sermo VIII, PG 83, 1010).

          When in 416 Pope Innocent I defends the liturgical uses of the Roman Church, against the currents of Eastern origin, it demands that it be said that in those places that follow them, if some other Apostle who has them taught, and that in his Defect must follow the ways of the Roman Church. Rather than rejecting local apostolic traditions, it seeks to consolidate the primacy of the Roman See and to unify liturgical uses throughout the West in times of great imperial instability. The implicit recognition of non-Roman liturgical uses and other oral traditions is already giving credence to the tradition of the evangelization of the West by other non-Roman apostles, which legitimates Paul’s exclusion and opens up options for Santiago as an evangelizer in the western Mediterranean basin. This opened a certain controversy that closed Hesychius, bishop of Salona (Dalmatia), who in 419 maintains that the preaching was done “to the end of the earth”, in Hispania, by one of the twelve apostles in person, and collecting the inheritance Of Saint Jerome recognizes that this Apostle could not be other than Santiago. A legendary life of San Clemente will attribute to Hesychius to have textually said that Santiago the Major was sent by San Pedro to Spain.

          An ancient Hispanic tradition that establishes a bond between Santiago and his preaching in the Iberian peninsula is the chronicle of Bishop Maximus of Saragossa, who in 571 notifies the existence of a Marian temple built by Santiago. The evocation must be due to a remodeling of the previous building, proving an old oral tradition very rooted and well known between the people and the clergy by oral tradition that Maximo finished giving written form and that seems that it precedes the martyrdom of San Vicente († 303) during the Roman persecutions under the pontificate of St. Valero, in keeping with the letter of St. Cyprian of Carthage (254) in which he quotes Felix of Saragossa as “propagator and defender of the faith”.

          In the sixth and seventh centuries various catalogs on the life and work of prophets and apostles circulate, seven are Greek and other Eastern versions: Syrians, Copts, Byzantines, etc. The Latin version of these catalogs or Breviarium Apostolorum, work of the second half of the sixth century, unlike others, places Santiago in Spain and regions of the West instead of Jerusalem. It is not a “handling” in benefit of the Jacobean Tradition, as has been suggested, since Baudouin de Gaiffier believes that the Latin version is inspired by earlier Eastern and Western texts that alsoIs Isidoro inspired; Among them the texts of Didymus, Jerome, and Theodoret, as well as St. Hilary of Poitiers (310-368), St. Ephrem of Syria (306-373) and the historian Eusebius of Caesarea († 339), and even the epistle To the Romans of Paul and the letter of Pope Clement to the Corinthians (late 13th century). Its early date of compilation, the variety of its sources and the presumption of impartiality derived from its extra-Pyrenean origin, make of the Breviarum a valuable element of promotion of the Jacobean Tradition and of the universalization of its cult, more than two centuries before the Discovery of the tomb in Compostela.

          Isidoro of Seville (556-636), knows the Breviarium and the works that nourish him, and it is reflected in his writing of chapter 80 of De ortu et obitu patrum referring to Santiago el Mayor, written before 612, constituting the first testimony Known Spaniard who attributes to the Apostle James the Peninsula as his evangelizing destiny: “Preached the Gospel in Hispania and Western regions”, in which the evangelizing work is intuited as a global company of all Hispania, surely also know of the chronicle of Maximus of Saragossa . Contrary to what some authors propose, César Chaparro Gómez in his last revision, he discards that it is apocryphal and that is interpolated, but the news is of Isidorian paternity. According to Gaiffier, De Ortu and Breviarium draws on older sources. They could be the Pseudo-Epiphany and the chronicle of Maximus of Saragossa. This invalidates the hypothesis that the Breviarium is the sole starting point of the whole tradition of Santiago in the West.

          It is said of Archbishop Julian of Toledo (642-690) that contradicts the Breviarium and the De ortu et obitum in denying the apostolate of Santiago in Hispania in De comprobatione aetatis sextae of 686, but in this apologetic work against Judaism, which does not recognize The coming of the Messiah to the sixth millennium since creation, Julian argues that the computation is not in millennia but in biblical ages according to Isidore: the 1st from Adam to Noah, the 2nd from Noah to Abraham, the 3rd from this to David , The 4th until the captivity of Babylon, the 5th until the coming of Christ, the 6th from Christ to the present day. The world is thus in the Sixth Age, legitimating Christ as the announced Messiah. The text quotes different Biblical allusions announcing the coming of the Messiah and the phrase that quotes the apostle does not allude to the territory of Santiago, but argues that all the preaching had been fulfilled in Christ. In speaking after the apostolic distribution he says: “… James illustrates Jerusalem, Thomas India and Matthew Macedonia,” but without distinction between the two James, and it was already known that who remained in Jerusalem was James the Less. Julián de Toledo continues the Isidorean legacy, and does not contradict the preaching of Santiago in Hispania nor the Isidorian apostolic distribution, as it appears in the Mozarabic liturgy, approved at the end of the sixth century, but revised in time by different authors such as San Leandro , San Isidoro, San Ildefonso and, above all, San Julián, remained unchanged until the eleventh century. So, although some deny it, the Jacobean Tradition also underlies the Visigothic patristic, which differentiates a Santiago in Hispania and a Santiago in Jerusalem.

          Other Western sources, contemporary with St. Julian, spread the Jacobean preaching in the Iberian peninsula, such as that of the Anglo-Saxon abbot Aldhelmo de Malmesbury (639-709), author of the poem of Aris, work of the late seventh or early eighth century, versifying The apostolic mission of Santiago in Hispania: “Primitus Hispanas convertit dogmate gentes” (He was the first to convert the truth to the people of Spain). The expert Manuel C. Diaz and Diaz detected common signs between Aldhelmo and Liber Sancti Jacobi that reveal common eastern sources that also nourished the Breviarium.

          The English monk Bede Venerable (672-735), also knower of the Breviarium and other contemporary catalogs, and reviewing the contradictions between them, consults previous sources and maintains the evangelization of Hispania by James the Greater in his texts. The most valuable of this author is that he is the first to write, a century before the discovery of the tomb, that the burial is in Hispania, with clear references to place it in Galicia. His martyrology says: “The sacred mortal remains of this blessed were transferred to Hispania and hidden in their last limits facing the British Sea”, where the British Sea or Sea of the West, is the one that bathes the coasts of Briton, today San Martin de Mondoñedo. The news is reiterated in the martyrologies of Floro de Lyon (830-840) and Adon de Vienne (860).

          The Christian flight to Asturias by the Muslim domination will facilitate the diffusion of the preaching of Santiago in Spain in the nascent kingdom of Asturias. The great manager will be the monk Beato de Liébana († 798), great heir of the Isidorian work, from which he takes the tradition of the jacobea evangelization in Hispania, half a century before the discovery of the compostela sepulcher, placing in Spain the location of the tomb. His sources are Isidoro’s De ortu et obitum patrum, the Breviarium Apostolorum, the Martyrology of Bede, the Jeronimian work, and a long relationship of the patristics he portrays in his quotations. In the hymn O Dei Verbum, written in 785 during the reign of Mauregato, he reactivates the cult of Santiago and elevates him to the rank of Patron and Protector: “O most worthy and most holy Apostle, the effulgent and golden head of Spain, powerful defender and patron Very special … Pious attend to the flock that has been entrusted to you, be sweet shepherd to the king and to the clergy, and to the people. ” The great prestige and influence that reaches his work, constitutes a certificate of the Jacobean Tradition, which will spread through the copies throughout Europe are made of his Remarks to the Apocalypse, which in honor of its origin we call Beatus.

          This succession of authors, testimonies and texts, rather than an accusing void or silence, tells us rather that we are before the knowledge of a tradition that is transmitted, also among Hispanic authors, with vacios certainly important as it is a obscured tradition like so many other facts and ancient and medieval personages, by many historical factors (Apostolic anonymity, Christian persecutions, jacobean clandestinity), documentaries (confusion of the Santiago, loss of texts and documents), and sociological (depopulation, diseases, famines). In the case of the Jacobean Tradition, the argument of silence relies too much on rejecting many references as false, tardy, useless, rhetorical, doctrinal, generic, opportunistic, interpolated, or echoes reiterative, dismissing clues and vestiges, amplifying a supposed silence as if All would have been the fruit of a falsifying plot over centuries, or simply the result of an error. If so, History and Archeology would have detected it, but on the contrary, both the historical evidence and the archaeological findings are not at all oriented towards proposals installed in the void or silence, which today lacks argumentative force, although some authors still do not seem to want to see it.

          HYPOTHESIS EMERITENSE. In the face of some extravagant and speculative hypotheses of the Jacobean question, the medievalist and Benedictine Friar Justo Pérez de Urbel seeks to give an objective basis to the cult of Compostela and designs a theory that explains the Jacobean Tradition as the pseudo-transfer of a relic of Mérida in the exodus Christian to the Muslim invasion. In 1948, the inscription of the commemorative plaque of the Church of Santa María de Mérida (first half of the 7th century) was published, which reads that under the altar of the temple some relics are kept and among them the one of Sci. Iacobi, (Perhaps a simple brandeum), without particular prestige within the lot. In fact it occupies last place of the list and its name requires a diminution of the letter because no longer it fits in the inscription.

          From this inscription, Pérez de Urbel denounces the supposed coincidence of two churches in Santa María with an identical relation of relics, the one of Merida of the 7th century and another in Compostela in the 9th century. He deduces that they are the same relics, which explains through a flight of Christians to Galicia before the conquest of Mérida by the Mohammedans, carrying out a transfer of the relics from the diocese of Mérida to the one of Iria-Compostela, lowering the Guadiana and ascending the western coast of the peninsula in 6 days, whose memory reinterpreted underlies in the legend of Jacobean Translation. It argues that while the educated Visigothic Spain ignores the evangelization of Santiago and the Christians of the kingdom of Asturias welcome the news of the Spanish preaching of the Apostle, the emigrant community in Compostela builds a continuation temple of Mérida in the cult of its lot of relics, Among them the sancti Iacobi. The Jacobean boom will monopolize the cult after the diffusing work of Beato de Liébana that makes Santiago a patron and protector with the acquiescence of the Asturian monarch. The news of the presence in Galicia of a relic of Santiago, which popular enthusiasm exalts and magnifies, arising the pilgrimage and the need to explain the transfer with fabulous stories from the translation of a small batch of relics gathered in an altar, since Merida.

           Pérez de Urbel is not really a Jacobean detractor, but between detractors and defenders he adopts an intermediate position, legitimizing the Jacobean cult and censoring the extravagant approaches. But his hypothesis introduces a proposition that denies the legitimate choices of verisimilitude of the original Tradition. His proposal is ingenious, to the point that the first academic evaluations were favorable. After his first appearance in the magazine Hispania Sacra (1952), he promoted his thesis in the media and also shows him in other related articles, and ends up giving it a scientific value. But after the first acceptances, soon the objections arise and the arguments that make it clearly unfeasible. In spite of this, Don Justo, poorly advised, disregards reasons and elevates his essay to the category of historical theory and exposes it in Volume VI of Menendez Pidal’s Historia de España, where he appears categorically, without the pertinent analysis of the State of the matter, without indicating that it is a new hypothesis or attending to the many serious objections generated. His immodest position can only be understood from the interest of a suggestive editorial commitment with a select work in which the most prestigious historians collaborate.

          An author not suspected of “Jacobism” as Claudio Sánchez Albornoz detected insurmountable difficulties that invalidate the theory. Being documented the initial flight to Galicia some people of Mérida before the Muslim advance, it is even more that the majority decided to stay and defend its walled city that resisted almost a year; And it is even clearer the permanence of canons and clerics who, by accepting Islamic rule and paying the corresponding tribute, ensured the respect and protection of the rulers whose ethical rule was to respect the monks, their monasteries, and their relics. Those who fled did so by land and to the north, by unoccupied territories to take refuge, never to the south, and in no case by river and sea, not only by the high improbability of having ships suitable for that crossing, but Because it descended to territories in the power of the invader that would cut hostile the withdrawal. To what part of Galicia did they flee ?, because then the limits of Galicia are still wide and imprecise, and lands of Leon, Castile, Portugal, Zamora, etc., are still identified in many contemporary chronicles as lands of Galicia. Some dioceses from the north of Lusitano are included, but Iria-Compostela only includes the migrations of the dioceses of Tuy and Lamego. Outside of this there is no other news of a migration to Iria from Mérida, that would have better access to Asturias by the Way of the Silver. To make matters worse, the Church of Santa María de la Corticela in which Pérez de Urbel locates the new destination of the emeritenses relics, was built in time after the Jacobean temple, which from the beginning recognizes the sepulchral cult to a complete tomb, in So that the transformation of one cult into another from a small relic is an impossibility. The martyrologies of the eighth century (Bede the Venerable) and IX (Floro of Lyons and Adon of Vienne) always spoke of a sepulchral veneration to a holy body, not a single relic, that would never have moved Theodomiro to transfer his thirst of Iria to Compostela, nor decide there his burial, nor would have led the Asturian kings to convert Compostela into a religious center of his kingdom, above the Holy Chamber of San Salvador de Oviedo.

          Portela Pazos presents the most solid objections: that the relic would not be of Santiago the Major, but the Minor, and that of the 63 Compostela relics only 7 coincided with those of Mérida, relics habitual in temples and monasteries, whose most probable origin was the Great reserve of Oviedo. But most important was the absence in Compostela of the three relics considered rare and unique in Spain, only kept in Merida. That is to say, the equivalence between the emeritenses relics and Compostela is false.

          The hypothesis elevated to theory also omits all mention of the archaeological findings that the author knew, discoveries that discover the existence of the Roman imperial period and the presence on its ruins of a paleo-Christian necropolis at the foot of a Roman tomb of Importance, indicator that a great personality was venerated there many centuries before the Muslim invasion and the emeritense gravestone.

          If the restricted escape had to be terrestrial, if the monks and clerics did not emigrate, if there is no indication that the migration would go to present-day Galicia and even less to Iria, if there is no concordance between the relics of Merida and of Compostela, if the relic Was not of Santiago the Major but the Minor, and if you omit the archaeological arguments that accredit a sepulchral cult very previous to the emeritense lapida, the hypothesis of Pérez de Úrbel stays in a pleasing and attractive castle of cards, apparent but without content nor any function.

          What is most regrettable of the matter is that despite its falsity, after its first appearance in 1956, it continues to be exhibited in the successive editions of Menéndez Pidal’s History of Spain, raised with the rotundity of one who exposes a conclusive historical reality, without clarify that It was a new, improvised, experimental hypothesis, without proven research, filled free assumptions and flagrant omissions, omitting the objections raised, inducing the reader to take for granted what is false. And everything installed more in the editorial anquilosamiento than in the historical rigor, in the enquistamiento of an obfuscation that in the scientific dialectic. But if the precipitation in the prestigious History of Menendez Pidal was bad, it is even worse that a text of historical science does not change its errors. Past editions, present and, if no one corrects it, future editions of Menéndez Pidal’s prestigious History of Spain will continue to show the fraudulent hypothesis of Perez de Urbel as a fresh out of the oven, deceiving the reader and perpetuating an error. In other sciences this is unacceptable. History, on the other hand, allows this luxury.

          Finally the PRISCILIANIST HYPOTHESIS. Insinuated by the mentioned Monsignor Louis Duchesne and developed later by many other authors, it proposes that the occupant of the compostelan sepulcher is not Santiago but Prisciliano. This Hispanic ascetic of the fourth century adheres to a critical movement towards a well-to-do church, their attitude condemned as heresy in Council I of Toledo (397-400) with excommunication, at a time when the Church lacked the death penalty or secular arm. The situation unleashes an epic escalation of struggle for power and ecclesiastical influence that unexpectedly ends in reply to the emperor, before whom in addition to heresy, is accused of attacking customs and practicing magic and sorcery, domains that belonged to secular justice and punished with death penalty. Priscillian had to respond unexpectedly to crimes of common law by the prefect of the praetorium, who condemns him to decapitation along with some of his companions, along with the confiscation of goods for the benefit of the emperor. His death unleashes the posthumous following, which is particularly rooted in Galicia, under the Sueva tolerance. The hypothesis of being the remains of the compostela tomb is only posed as a possibility in the form of suspicion, based on certain coincidences: the two were beheaded and of the two we talk about their transfer to Hispania. Given the legendary halo of the Jacobean transfer in the face of the certainty of the priscillianist transfer in the chronicle of Sulpicio Severo, it seems legitimate to think that the transfer was that of Prisciliano and that the muted memory of it should be confused with that of the one, and the option is surrounded Of a verisimilitude plot of departure, which make it very attractive and novel.

          The subject has been treated with a great attachment and very little rigor, and in no case are there any rigorous indications of certainty that will be solved by Priscillian who is in Compostela, and from mere vagueness interests are immediately aroused in highlighting their Galleguity, although there is nothing to say that Prisciliano was a Galician (even less of Iria, some consider him Portuguese, Betic or North African), and although the concept of “Galician” did not exist in the fourth century, neither as a language, nor as a culture, nor ss a unit of feeling of a people. Prisciliano was a executed hispano-roman, surely of abusive and undeserved way, whose memory and legacy deserve historical rehabilitation; but not from a nationalist perspective. From a Priscillian resurrected by the jacobean controversial, it is claimed as the genuine spirit of the Galician soul. Nationalism sometimes clouds the most illustrious minds. The great authors of the “Galician Rexurdimento” or the “Xeración Nós”, in their romantic vision of Galicia considered Prisciliano “prototype of Celtic pantheon, far from all heterodoxy”, and wanted to see in him the resurgence of Druidism of the ancient Celts. From the distorted vision of identifying the Celtic with the Galician, one arrives to propose as an exclusive alternative of the jacobea tradition, and the occupant of the compostela tomb happens to be Prisciliano and not the Apostle Santiago, denying to Santiago what is given to Prisciliano, Without foundation for one thing or another. It does not matter if there are other places with better options to locate the grave of Prisciliano that should be investigated better; Is not very interested in his ideological and intellectual legacy, what interests is to cross the similarities between two figures and to emphasize that one is the forget and the reinterpretation of the other. In some authors, there is a greater interest in deprecating the Jacobean Tradition than in objectively studying the historical value of Priscilian, and it seems that it is more profitable to undermine the Jacobean Tradition than to recover the image of Priscilian.

          The mistake is to establish, at the outset, a mutual exclusion between Santiago and Prisciliano, as incompatible protagonists of the same phenomenon of which one of the two must necessarily be discarded. Priscillianus, for whom he proposes other possible locations of his tomb with greater verisimilitude than the compostelana, surely deserves historical rehabilitation, but not at the expense of Santiago, and the rooting of Priscillianism in the Roman Gallaecia is even indicative of a primitive Galician Christianity that Prisciliano proposes to recover.

          Prisciliano and Santiago are not mutually exclusive but compatible, as the Ferrolan Xosé Leira Domínguez believes in his work “Xacobe e Prisciliano”, in which he proposes that both figures deserve the same intellectual treatment without discriminatory interference. But there are more solid criteria that solve the case: the long unaltered “Archaeological Silence”, which guarantees the preservation of the contents of the mortuary chamber of the edicule, from its inhumation between the second half of the second century and its discovery in the ninth century, with The peculiarity that inside the edicule, after the relocation of the tombs, was sealed by an ornamental mosaic of the second century that existed, therefore, long before the death of Prisciliano. The date of the mosaic, together with the arqueological evolution of the edicule, its martyrs fenestelle, the inscription Atanasio Martir, the Ara de San Paio, and the dynamic, integral and multidisciplinary evaluation of the whole, attest to a cult long before Priscillian. A burial in the fourth or fifth century would have been detected by archeology and the Priscillianist hypothesis would have its verisimilitude. But the conclusion is that it is impossible for Prisciliano to be buried in Compostela.

          The Priscillianist hypothesis, contradictorily, arouses interest and continues to receive credit from writers and novelists, whether for editorial interests, nationalist passion, technical ignorance, anticlericalism, esoterism, sensationalism, fiction or morbidness, that there is everything, is a subject that is recycled as a controversial literary product. Not infrequent is their lack of rigorous treatment in the media (radio and TV), which in the context of programs of esoteric sensationalism, sell supposed assumptions as if they were New Age truths. This lamentable and almost voluntary error, I believe, is maintained above all by the fact that the identity of the Jacobean tomb remains questionable, but not because it is legitimate to place Prisciliano in Compostela.

          Archaeological proofs, which are obligatory studies in a Roman tomb, clearly discard Priscillian’s options in Compostela, but do not deny its historical reality, its legacy, or the need for its rehabilitation in the memory of history, nor the existence of a place of burial, in some other place, perhaps also in Galicia.

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